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Istalia, also known during some periods of its history as Quanzar, is the home of some of the most ancient civilizations of Majatra.

For most of its pre-modern history, the Sarrentina Peninsula and island of Alaria were ruled by different polities although it was unified first under the Emirate of Quanzar and then the subsequent Istalian regimes . For many centuries the name of the entire nation was Quanzar, derived from the House of Quanzar, the royal house of the Empire of Quanzar, which ruled on most of eastern Majatra, and of the Ahmadi Emirate established on the peninsula after the fall of their previous multinational empire. The Quanzari dominion was so prolonged and influential that, despite already existed previous Istalian cultures of selucian and hosian origins both on the Peninsula and the Island, the concept of a true unified Istalian people emerged only under Quanzari dominion on the island of Alaria, at the time known under the Majatran-Selucian name of Estalia (The Land of the east, a name indicated its position as the easternmost land of Majatra), where the Kingdom of Estalia, later known as the Kingdom of Istalia, emerged out of the Medieval Selucian-Nicoman culture of the island.

Prehistory and the Archaic Period[]

Alaria[]

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A Nicoman sarcophagus

Historians find evidence of habitation of the region from as early as 4000 BCE. A hunter-gatherer neolithic civilation known as the Araghe inhabited the south of the Alaria island and produced fantastic cave paintings and stone tools until c. 3500, when a rapid cooling trend drove the herds of wild game north. Agriculture came to the island with immigrants from the mainland in 2000; several distinct new cultures flourished on the island throughout the first half of the second millennium. By 1200, a form of logographic writing was used across the island to represent various dialects of the Alarian language, which is an isolate, unrelated to any known languages. In the South, the rich soils of Nicoma supported tremendous growth, and some of the largest cities in eastern Majatra, some with nearly 50,000 inhabitants, dominated the culture and politics of the island. These city-states were ruled by councils of the landed elite, on whose vast holdings most of the population lived and worked as tenant farmers. In northern Alaria, where the climate is drier and more mountainous, small cities emerged side-by-side nomadic pastoral tribes. The cities were ruled by kings and often grouped into regional defensive alliances. By 800, these alliances had transformed into petty kingdoms, and so centralization was accelerated in the north. By 650, most of the North was under the tenuous sway of the kings of Sokyill. The unified north then began a long and violent expansion south, into the rich cities of Nicoma.

The Mainland[]

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An early king of Qolshamih

On the mainland, Ingris and southern Pheykran remained occupied for centuries by semi-sedentary people from the earliest recorded history. They wrote another language unrelated to any known languages in native script, preserved mostly on large monolithic monuments. In northern Pheykran and Therak, agriculture was established by 2500 BCE along the rivers Dannis and Yohrail and various smaller tributaries by the newly arived Qedarites, who moved into the region as part of the Qedarite Migrations. The mountainous and rugged terrain created a patchwork of isolated and fiercely independent states, most of which were ruled by warlords and autocrats who lived in palace-fortifications that were the center of the local economies. These people spoke a Qedarite language close to the one of their southern neighbors, a language known as Therakan, but this language was more influenced by northern languages rather than the southern branch; unlike those in the south, the northerners wrote their language in the Alarian script, imported through trade with the island. By 850 BCE, parallel to the developments in northern Alaria, Qolshamih, the southernmost of the city-states, rose to power. Located in the southern region of Fidelia on the banks of the river Sallar (known today as Sala), Qolshamih consolidated its power over the entire North, also spreading the rule of the native dynasty along the coastal regions of Ingris, where marginal agriculture and fishing supported small towns.

The Pre-Classical Period, 742 BCE-590 BCE[]

Consolidation of the Kingdom of Qolshamih, 742 BCE-664 BCE[]

Main article: Qolshamih
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A sample of Old Therakan writing.

742 BCE marks the beginning of the Classical Period. By now, the entirety of the mainland, save the desert wastes controlled by nomadic people, was under the sway of Qolshamih. The defining event, however, was the capture of the city of Lombash by the armies of the king Hanggadhe of Sokyill. The last obstacle to a united Alaria, the fall of Lombash marked the definitive beginning of a power struggle between the island and the mainland. The new-found unity allowed for and required the creation of efficient bureaucracies and internal pacification. The Kingdoms of Qolshamih and Sokyill each fostered economic and cultural growth within their respective territories. While the arts of architecture and literature flourished, so too did the art of war. After an initial period of mutual wariness, the two kingdoms realized the inevitable power struggle that loomed large on the horizon. In 695, the King (the "Sharru") Malkkart of Qolshamih dispatched an expeditionary force from his harbors in southern Therak to aid a rebellion of subjected cities in Nicoma against Sokyill. The rebellion succeeded in capturing all of southern Nicoma before the armies of Sokyill crushed it with devastating cruelty. Nicoma's great cities, spared during the first conquest, were looted and pillaged for all material wealth. Lombash and Pakhne, two of the largest urban centers in Alaria at the time, were reduced to dust.

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The second siege of Lombash

Reversal and Prolonged Conflict, 682 BCE-598 BCE[]

Thanks to the victory in the south the rulers of Sokyill avoided other rebellions for almost half century. Meanwhile, they sent retaliatory raids against the ports ruled by Qolshamih, effectively destroying that kingdom's nascent naval power. Until 670 BCE, Sokyill made headway against the kings of Qolshamih, effectively asserting its suzerainty over the coastal mainland and sending expeditions deep into the center of the Kingdom. But in this year, a palace coup overthrew the old dynasty of Qolshamih and established a new line descended from the lords of northern Pheykran. The new dynasty reorganized the failing bureaucracy and instituted much needed social, economic, and political reforms. In 648, the second King of this new dynasty, Mar-Ili III, retook that last of the Sokyillan fortresses on the mainland. With its territory secured, the reformed Kingdom furthered internal reform, consolidating central authority and wiping out several claimants to the throne.

In Sokyill, the opposite political process was underway. The loss of the mainland holdings fell harshly upon the subjected southern cities, which had provided most of the troop levies, and the prospect of continued war with Qolshamih drove them to disaffection. The war turned to naval conflict and expeditionary skirmishes by 632, and a stalemate developed over the course of the following decade that severely strained the bonds of vassalship that bound the kingdom of Sokyill together. Several small rebellions failed in the 520s, but in 598 BCE, the south rebelled in unison, defeating the royal armies and capturing most of the royal family during a surprise raid on the capital. The southern cities were not politically united, and their attempt to take the remainder of the royal territories in Kisuwali led to other skermish and war among them which depopulated the island and fragmented even more the communities favoring the next conquest by Qolshamih and also the establishment of the first selucian colonies.

The First Conquest 598 BCE-590 BCE[]

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The pacification of southern Nicoma; Mar-Ili III stands triumphant over the fallen armies of Maktar

As part of a broader policy of securing trade routes against piracy and enemy navies, Qolshamih established several forts and captured coastal cities in western Alaria in the year immediately following the fall of Sokyill. These military actions soon expanded, and by 596, royal armies had taken much of western Nicoma. Justifying further expansion on the ground of aiding tributary cities in the south, the King of Qolshamih then took all of the city states in 595 and 594 BCE. Disunited Alarian military power paled next to the professional and institutionalized armies of the mainland. In 593, the southern plains of Kisuwali fell to the crown. The following three years were spent in a grueling campaign to conquer the northern plateau and mountain passes. And so, by August of 590, the King of Qolshamih could claim to be, among other titles applicable to the mainland, the "Lord of the Lands Beyond the Channel, Lord Protector of Lombash, Isiall, Maktar, Toltor, and Bagh, Arch-Regent of Pali, Eshhar, Mag, and Bolan (i.e. the southern Nicomese cities) King of Ephrai and Salajf, King of the Realms of Shayid, King of the lands formerly comprising Sokyill, and Supreme Arbiter of Justice over all Alaria."

The Classical Period, 590 BCE-123 CE[]

The Selucian Colonization[]

Ancient Selucian testimoniance in Istalia

Ancient Selucian heritage in Alaria

Contemporary to the triumph of Qolshamih, came on the eastern shore of Alaria some ships from Selucia, at the time at the high of its colonization period and yet in 587 was founded the first selucian colony, Agirgentum. In 574 was founded Siracum Major, today known as Saragnel, and in 569 Aristium, the first colony in Nicoma, was founded. The Selucians were well known as a people of merchants, but their military preparation and capabilities, necessary for Selucia to maintain the control on its colonies and to the latter to establish their control on the colonized territories, should not be underestimated. In the south some of Nicoma's eastern communities tried unsuccessfully to expel the newcomers. In Qolshamih the monarchs were at first concerned with the selucian colonies and there were many who called for an expedition to destroy the invader cities. But quickly the kings of Qolshamih as well as the merchant caste, whose power and wealth had grown as a result of peace on the mainland and island, realized the profitability of trade with the colonies. For this reason King Muhaasti I reached an agreement with the Selucian colonists in 534, granting them the freedom to live and found cities in the Kingdom in exchange for their recognition of the King of Qolshamih as the rulers of the Kingdom of the Mainland and Island, begining a peaceful and fruitful coexistence.

Agirgento landscape

Landscape of Argintera, the still inhabitated site of the ancient Selucian colony of Agirgentum


List of the original Selucian colonies[]

  • Agirgentum
  • Siracum Major
  • Aristium
  • Palatio Regium
  • Calidum Castrum
  • Caesar Rex
  • Lucio Barris Castrum
  • Ulbiano Pollux Colonia
  • Orientis Colonia
  • Tria Flumina

All the subsequent Selucian colonies founded in Istalia were colonies of the above colonies.


The Rise of the Kingdom of Kerron, 590 BCE-365 BCE[]

The unification of most of modern day Istalia under the rule of Qolshamih and the contact with the sophisticated and cosmopolitan Selucian civilization allowed for a flourishing of culture and science over the next three hundred years. With few external threats, internal development and progress became the focus of the royal governments. In 545, with the coming of a new royal dynasty, a new capital, Tuffad, was founded on the slope of the nowday called Massif of Tuffad, a rocky mountain laying between the Nomads Lake, the Inferior Lake and the Sovereign Lake. With this move, the Kingdom became known by the name of the new dynasty, Kerron, rather than its original capital. The Karronian state was highly centralized and contained well-trained and extensive bureaucracy that had numerous internal anti-corruption mechanisms; this, combined with a culture that absolutely despised theft and lawlessness, created a system of administration that was remarkably efficient and interested in the common welfare.

Military Concerns[]

The primary martial concern of the period was the conquest of the central desert in Ingris and Pheykran. Here, new militant nomads had overrun their more peaceful predecessors nearly a century before. They spoke a Quedarite language, it is suspected a penetration from the north through the pass on the northern Alkhayl chain, and were desirous of the riches of the northern plain. Four decades of wetter-than-usual conditions in the arid wastes nurtured their numbers to the point that the desert could no longer sustain them and made expansion north not only a desire, but a necessity of survival, given the fact that they were surrouded by mountains on the other sides. Raids against the marginal farm lands in southern Pheykran first occurred in 520 and gradually increased in violence and severity until in 515 the Karronian king sent a small army west to deal with the problem. New fortresses were built, but, faced with greater obstacles to survival, the tribes sent forth much vaster forces against the fresh defenses. The palisades fell quickly, and soon the whole of southern Pheykran was overrun by the so-called "tribes of Ayadd". The king met the disaster with resolution, and the best of the royal military might swiftly brought the region back into Karronian control. They heavily fortified the border region and sent expeditions into the heart of the desert, contributing to some of the first maps of the central wastes. The local governor hired native nomadic mercenaries to fight the Ayaddans on their own turf, but the attempt at an offensive war were largely fruitless. So long as the dynasty remained strong, its military was aptly able to defend the frontiers from the Ayaddan menace; raids continued intermittently throughout the kingdom's later history, but only in the last several decades did they spell real trouble.

Selucian influence[]

During the apogee of the Karronian Kingdom the exchanges with the Selucian increase even more and quickly the élite of the kingdom begin to be heavily influenced by the selucians which "imported" in this land also their language: in fact in the kingdom were spoken different languages, primary the Alarian dialects and the mainland dialects.

Tuffad's Throne Hall

The ruin of the Throne Hall of Tuffad, example of Qolshamin-Selucian syncretism

The Alarians were always very reluctant to adopt the language of the conquerors and also in the mainland the dialects difference were considerable.
The merchants so quickly starts to speak in selucians to conduct their affairs and the selucians begins in this way to penetrate and influence the Alarians and people of the mainland.
During this period the contact between the selucian art and the Qolshamit art bring to the creation of a syncretic form of art which present elements from both the culture and among the most important examples of this mixed art there are the ruins of Tuffad, second capital of the Kingdom of Qolshamih.


Expansion and growth, 365 BCE-123 CE[]

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A statue of the god Sholza found in the ruins of Tuffad

The kingdom entered in its most prolific era in the middle of fourth century. A series of brilliant monarchs secured domestic prosperity and foreign tranquility. Diplomats were sent to the far reaches of Majatra and beyond, and colonies were founded across the southern coasts of the peninsula.
The king under who the kingdom reached its hight was Alsemet the Great. He is remembered among others for having brought the capital back to Qolshamih and for his love for Selucian culture (he built the selucian-style Anphitheater of Qolshamih, the biggest of the southern Majatra) which during the centuries of penetration into these lands made evolve the local Qolshamin culture into a successful syncretic one.

Amphiteather of Alsement the Great

Amphitheater of Alsement the Great in Colsamia, which rises on the site of the ancient Qolshamih

At the death of great King in 139 BCE, his son Asergete I, raised into the syncretic Kerronian-selucian court of his father and tutored by selucian and kalopian scholars, divinized Alsamet declaring the foundation of a new dynasty, the Alsamite Dynasty, which ruled until the fall of the Kingdom.


Alsamite era[]

Banner of the Alsamites

The winged lion of Alsamet the Great, used as banner of the Kingdom of Kerron under the Alsamite kings

The Alsamite era is considered the golden age of the Kingdom of Qolshamish, or Kingdom of Kerron or Kerronian Kingdom. Under the Alsamite Kings all the mainland and the island were definitively pacified and all over the Kingdom new roads and cities were founded, the countryside was highly anthropized favoring the explosion of agriculture and breeding, the mineral resources were increasingly exploited and the manufacturing arts in the cities reached rare levels of exquisiteness.
The Therrak and the Qolshamin languages instead began to fall into disuse progressively along with their alphabet in favor of the Selucian language. The Therrak one continued to be used until the Hosian era, as Late Therrak, but exclusively as liturgical language of the ancient cults of Qolshamih, which religion too became a syncretic faith which worshiped the ancient gods of Qolshamih alongside the new Selucian ones (or divinities of the two pantheons were united in a single figure).

During the third century the Kingdom expanded its borders to the north in the current southern and eastern Solentia, increasing the relations and the exchanges with the Selucian colonies and with the Kalopian civilization. Once outside the Nayar, however, the Kingdom had to face the expansion of the Cildanian Hegemony in east Majatra where he was progressively submitting the Selucian and kalopian colonies. Three wars were fought between Qolshamih, at the time already known as Colsamia, and the Cildanians which saw the former succeed in defeating the latter and expand its influence in eastern Majatra.

Cildanian-Colsamian Wars, 101 BCE-47 BCE[]

While the Cildanian Hegemony expanded on the shores of Kafuristan it came in contact with the Kingdom of Colsamia, as Qolshamih was known at the time having been fully selucized. The competing interests in east Majatra and the perceived status of the Colsamian Kings as protector of the Selucians brought the two powers into conflict. In east Majatra three wars were fought between Cildania and Colsamia. The first one between 101 and 98 BCE: Selucian and Kalopian colonies in Solentian and Kafuri area rebel against the Cildanians supported by the Colsamian Kings and by the Selucian colonies under Colsamia. The arrival of a huge cildanian army came to suppress the revolt prompted Colsamia to go to war against the Hegemony. Cildanian and Colsamian armies fought in modern day Kafuristan and although the war ends into a status quo, the Colsamian influence greatly increased in the area.

The second war was fought between 81 and 73 BCE and unleashed by the Cildanian Hegemonywhich, finding increasingly difficult to control its empire and considering Colsamia as a threat and still working to support the Selucian and Kalopian colonies under Cildanian yoke, launch an invasion profiting of a dynastic conflict into the Kingdom. The Cildanian armies quickly took the Colsamian lands in Kafuristan and Solentia and then they pass the Nayar range defying the winter in order to catch the enemy by surprise. Despite many loss the Cildanian armies invaded the peninsula marching until Tuffad, the summer capital of the Colsamian Kings, were however the armies of the Kingdom achieved to halt the cildanians achieving a landslide victory, the battle of Tuffad. Facing the invasion of their lands the Colsamian elites took side for one of the dynastic contenders who, reorganized the Colsamian armies, chased the invasors over the Nayar and beyond, taking back all the lost terrtories in Solentia and Kafuristan and even expanding the Kingdom leaving to Cildania just the control of some costal areas and few subjugated colonies which, however, soon rebeled against the Cildanian Hegemony who proved to be greatly affected by the defeat, with Qart Qildar losing prestige and confidence and the other cildanian cities beginning to question its leadership.

The third war was fought between 54 and 47 BCE and it saw the definitive victory of the Colsamian Empire: the power of the Cildanian Hegemony was declining inexorably, shacked by the growing tensions between the cildanian city-states, thus political instability and social unrest, economic crisis and the increasingly frequent military defeats, not only against Colsamia but also in occasion of uprising within its empire. The Selucian and Kalopian city-states and colonies profited of the situation to permanently get rid of the Cildanian yoke. Colsamia too of course profited of the situation and its armies, while a cildanian fleet was coming to suppress a revolt along the Kalopian and Kafuri coasts, marched against the last Cildanian positions in the area while a fleet, formed thanks the contribution of the Selucian colonies in Alaria, andò incontro alla flotta nemica ingaggiando un'epica battaglia navale, la battaglia delle Bocche dell'Uradus (Kafuristan), vinta trionfalmente dalla flotta Colsamita. Colsamia conquered whole Solentia and Kafuristan, the eastern territories of Kalopia and its influence extended furtherwest and on the Badaran islands. The Selucian and Kelopian colonies within the Empire enjoyed privileges and large authonomy like the ones in Alaria.

The Colsamian Empire continued to flurish in the following centuries granting stability and growth in whole east Majatra. The Alsamite era, thus, was a stable and successful period for the Kingdom which was perturbed just three times by dynastic contrasts which led to brief wars of succession, which however didn't undermine the glorious days of the Qolshamites.

The Great Plague[]

Around 30 BCE a virulent epidemic hits violently the continent starting from the island of Cildania causing an incalculable number of deaths among the population, already proved by an internal civil war exploded in the aftermath of the Colsamian Wars. Where the Great Plague passed left whole city deserted on its path. It seems that the Majatran populations in Badara were the only ones virtually untouched by the disease, while in Selucia and into the selucised heart of the Colsamian Empire probably the habit of taking baths every day and the advanced techniques for keeping the cities clean attenuated the effects of the disease which, from descriptions of the chroniclers of the time, it could have been a hemorrhagic fever of tropical origin which came from Seleya and which probably generations before had already affected Badara, immunizing its population.

Jelbo-Tukarc Invasion, 38 BCE - 44 CE[]

Main article: Jelbo-Tukaric Migrations

The Jelbo-Tukaric peoples, a migratory population speaking a number of closely related languages and originating from the continent of Seleya, moved to Majatra in large numbers between 40 BCE and 50 CE, landing in mass in Majatra on Cildania and Badara, profiting of the devastation of the Great Plague but also finding a key ally in the Majatrans living in Badara, aimed to join the efforts with the Jelbo-Tukarc people to destroy the Cildanians, who had harshly oppressed the Badaran islands for centuries even barring Majatrans to leave their islands and pretending each years a tribute in spices, purfumes, aromatic essences and young boys sent to serve into the Cildanian armies. Facing a continent suffering by the Great Plague and a failing Cildanian Hegemony, the Jelbo-Tukaric people were able to easily cross the sea and put thier foot in Majatra. From there, first of all the Jelbo-Tukarics and their Majatran allies tried to attack the island of Cildania, closer and attracted by the richness of the Cildanian city-states. The whole island was put to fire and iron but the cildanian city-states eventually resisted, mainly thanks to their fleets, although struggling enormously to defend themself and definitively losing control over most of the rest of the continent, with the last cildanian armies will left Selucia, their last external possession in 22 CE, event which marks the fall of the Cildanian Hegemony.

Given the failed subjugation of Cildania, The Jelbo-Tukaric people allied with the Majatrans turned to the south: landing in Kafuristan, the Colsamian armies suffering the loss due to the Great Plague didn't resisted the invasions forced to retreat south of the Salvena Range and west of the Nayar, while the Kalopian and Selucian colonies and city-states in the area, equally affected by Plague and also previously by the wars between Cildania and Colsamia, fell one after another. The Colsamian King Ayranad III, gathered all the possible forces of the Kingdom and trying to take advantage of the divisions among the tribes of the newcomers, marched against the enemy trying to clash the individual tribes separately and actually easily defeating them one after the other. The Colsamian armies marched violently also against the Majatran cities in Kafuristan to punish them for their alliance with the Jelbo-Tukarics. It was then that one of the leaders of the Jelbo-Tukarics emerged as the supreme leader, Timur Khan, who united all the tribes and led them against the Colsamites with whom they clashed in 28 CE at the exit of the Great Valley of the Ba'al (how the great valley in Solentia that from south open to the north on the Great Plain of the Nomads was known at the time): it was a victory for Timur, the Colsamian Empire was forced to retreat to the Nayars and the Jelbo-Tukaric people expanded flooding westward. Between 28 and 44 the Jelbo-Tukaric Khanate conquered a territory going from the easternmost lands of Deltaria and Jakania in the west to the Nayar Range in the east.

Under the Khanate of Timur not only the Jelbo-Tukaric people but also the Majatrans spread across the eastern parts of the continent from Badara, where the Majatran peoples developed from the original qedarite population who settled in the area: if in Cildania emerged the Cildanians, in Badara emerged the Majatrans. Cildania developed faster, the population in their city-states exploded thanks to the better condition for agriculture in Cildania and once they began to expand their Hegemony, the Badaran island were mong the first lands to fall under the control of the Cildanian city-states. Under the Cildanian Hegemony, however, the Majatrans in Badara were influenced by the more advanced cildanian civilization, also in Badara and Kafuristan many majatran tribes began to leave their nomadic life building cities, practicing agriculture, taming and channeling the waters (becoming very experienced), enriching themself in trading with neighbors products from their islands (blessed by the presence of some plants arrived from the very nearby Seleyan coasts of modern Saridan, such as incense, aromatic gums and oils, etc...) and also in Badara soon the population experienced a rapid growth. However, the mainly desertic lands of Badara and then Kafuristan became overpopulated unable to support an ever growing population. Under the Hegemony, as mentioned, the Cildanians exploited largerly the Majatrans within their armies, achieving to have very loyal troops in promising and actually rewarding soldies and even tribal lords and their clans for their loyalty in allowing them to settle outside the Badaran islands, but in general, about all the other Majatrans, the Cildanians tried always to limit their expansion, trying to limit any possible competitor like they were doing with Selucia. The arrival of the Jelbo-Tukaric people changed everything: the Majatrans smell the opportunity to join the new powerful newcomers and, as mentioned, they joined them in their conquest of Majatra.

Timur Khan died in 44 and once the news spread, the Colsamian Empire knew that that was its opportunity to take its revenge: King Meryad I unleashed the Colsamian armies in a military campaign which lasted for almost 10 years, fighting alongside the Selucian colonies and Kelopian city-states city-states the now once again fragmented Jelbo-Tukaric tribes, which relationship with the Majatrans deteriorated under the rule of Timur. Eventully the Jelbo-Tukaric people were defeated and chased from east Majatra forcing them to continue their migration westward. The war, however, left devastated much of Solentia, Kafuristan and east Kalopia: these lands had become depopulated, cities were deserted and failing in ruins, lands were no more cultivated, infrastructures were totally destroyed, etc... Meryad I needed people to populate these lands and given the fact that the among the Colsamian armies fought also several heavy cavalry divisions formed by Majatrans defecting from the rule of Timur Khan, he offered them and their relatives and kins to repopulate those lands becoming loyal subjects of the Colsamian Kings. The Majatrans too, in fact, had suffered a lot the devastating Colsamian-Jelbic Wars, most of their cities and lands were destroyed, many of their warriors had died, but from the still overpopulated Badara people continue to arrive and Colsamia, trying to exploit this huge population and at the same time aimed to make revive the lands of Solentia and Kafuristan, took them as its subjects redeploying directly or allowing thousands and thousands of Majatrans to spread across the rest of east Majatra, and from there started the secular expansion of Majatran ethnic groups across the continent.

The last great power of Antiquity, 44 CE-464 CE[]

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A Colsamian King represented as a warrior monarch riding its horse, iconography that prevailed since the Cildanian Wars

Once defeated and chased the Jelbo-Tukaric people and pacified east Majatra, the Colsamian Empire was ruling all over east Majatra on a territory spanning on modern day Istalia, Solentia, Kafuristan and east Kalopia and whose influnce extended until modern day Deltaria, on both the Badaran island and even on some of the Cildanian city-states, still fighting against each other and each one trying to secure powerful allies. During this period the Colsamites reached their zenith, its Kings conducted several wars across the continent to further assert the Colsamian supremacy and the empire and its ideology and iconography became ever more militaristic. They clashed with the Kalopian League after decades of involvement into the Kalopian affairs, pushing the several Kalopia city-states or competing leagues one agaist the others; they clashed with the Selucians who, freed from the Cildanians, were once again expanding their interests across the continent; finally two wars were fought against the Augustan Empire in expansion eastward and in the end the Emperors from Leucopolis prevailed: the Colsamian Empire was conquered in 464 despite the strenous efforts of its last monarch Alsamet IX. Many historians considers the fall of the Colsamian Empire, the last great power of Antiquity, as the end of ancient history. Other considers the Sack of Colsamia in 530 as the end of Antiquity, perpetrated by the fanatical hosians supported by the recently hosianized Augustan against the last great pagan city of the continent, the only one where pagan accademies and intellectual circles were still permitted.

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Gold works depicting a Colsamian god, still worshiped in east Majatra while the Hosianism was conquering the rest of the continent

The Colsamian Empire became in its last centuries also the last bastion of the pre-hosian culture and while into the Augustan Empire, Selucia, Cildania and across the lands under the Jelbic lords the Hosianism was quickly supplanting the old religions and beliefs, into the Colsamian Empire they resisted until the down of the Middle Ages. The old religion continued to build important shrines all over the Empire, pagan philosophers and schoolars from the west progressively moved to the east while the new Hosian religion was becoming ever less tollerant, founding pagan accademies and philosophic circles in the major Colsamian cities. In Colsamia the "Great House of Gods of Wisdom", as the royal library was called in a style that was still reminiscent of Pre-selucian Qolshamin traditions, was probably the largest library in the ancient world starting from the second century after Eliyahu and for over three centuries continued to preserve the ancient wisdom.


The Early Medieval Period, 464-1100 CE[]

The Augustan dominion, 464-640[]

Main article: Augustan Empire

In 464 CE the Augustan armies defeated definitively the Colsamian armies putting an end to the Colsamian Empire and annexing all its territory.

San Virtuoso Cathedral of Milona

The Saint Virtuoso Church, Augustan Cathedral of Migliano

Under the rule of the Augustan Empire the old Thrakan languages were defintively supplanted by the Selucian while Hosianism began to spread also in east Majatra and like in other part of the continent it became quickly the dominant faith but Colsamia, although it suffered great devastation due to the Augustan invasion, remained a pagan city, full of pagan temples and pagan intellectual institutions. For the many groups and orders of fanatical hosians that were forming at the time, feeling that the Augustan authorities were becoming increasingly closer to the Hosian church, began to pretend the conversion of the city. The contrasts within the city quickly turned in daily clashes and street fights which often had to be sedated by the Augustan authorities. The hosians, however, were now becoming the majority and only the protection of the local elites, although by now largely hosianized, still protected the pagans who until 509 enjoyed the full protection of the Imperial laws.

This changed however when the Augustan Empire adopted Hosianism as the state religion. Colsamia still remained a bulwark of paganism, like the Selucian cities on the eastern coast of Alaria and from 509 onwards this fact really became something unacceptable for those fanatical groups who by now had reached the top of the Church. In 521 Cyril of Helios was appointed Bishop of Colsamia, one of the leaders of the most fanatical and by now most powerful groups of Hosianity, who was said to have uprooted Kalopian paganism from Kalopia by going to convert, the critics said to hunt, the pagans until the most remote villages of the Kalopian mountains. Cyril unleashed the adepts of his order through the city, raising tensions to cause an incident that would justify a severe condemnation of the church and finally authorize a real persecution against the pagans. In 532 the pagan population of Colsamia turned against the abuses of the Hosians and the fanatics in the service of the Bishop: hundreds of Hosians were massacred in the streets and Cyril himself was sought everywhere in the city to lynch him. The Bishop had already fled to Milona, then the Augustan center of power in the Peninsula and its largest Hosian center, where supported by the Hosian crowd he incited the Augustan authorities to punish the city while at the same time the pagans of Colsamia revolted against the Augustan dominion perceiving it as having become an arm of the Hosians and the fate of the city was sealed: the pagans resisted the Augustan siege for almost a month, but in the end it fell and it was a massacre. The temples and all the places linked to the old pagan culture were destroyed and finally the city was set on fire. It was the end for the mighty Colsamia, and only the intervention of the noble Theofylact and of the future Patriarch of the East Mercutio from Taranda prevented the extermination of those survived to the fall of Colsiama. Although some nobles saw their palaces spared by the sake, eventually they left definitively the city in favor of their demains on the countryside while the rest of survivors moved to other cities. For decades onward, what remained of the once mighty Colsamia was a small town of a few thousand souls crowded around an Augustan fortress to watch over the ford on the Sala amidst imposing ruins that stretched all around as far as the eye could see. A few centuries will have to pass before the city could rise again and with a completely different name, Romula.

Augustan rule lasted until the centuries when, given the weakening of the Augustan Empire due the Deltarian invasion, the most periferic dominions became increasingly difficult to control and the Augustan were forced to compromises, leaving some Deltarians tribes who fought for the Empire against the Tokundians to set in areas in Solentia and Istalia and administrate them in name of the Emperor. Already around the end of eighth century in the territories once under the Colsamian Empire th statal authority had collpased in favor of the local lords, comprising of both barons and ecclesiastical lords, who recognized just a nominal sovereignty to the Augustan Emperors.

The Seven Kingdoms, 640-880[]

When the Deltarians moved in modern day Deltaria at the beginning of the 7th century, the Augustan Empire failed to stop those warlike tribes from creeping into the center of the continent and nearly splitting the Empire in half. The disunited nature of the Deltarians, however, worked in favor of the Augustans who were able to exploit the divisions between the various Deltarian tribes to contain them for the next four centuries. Among the strategies adopted by the Augustan Emperors there was that of hiring some Deltarian tribes as auxiliary troops of the Empire, above all Doron tribes, exploiting their military capabilities, which turned out to be very useful for the subsequent conquests in West Majatra and to fight the Deltarians themselves, who prior to their unification by part of the Tukundians were cramped on the Jelbanian coast and in western Deltaria. Despite this, the arrival of the Deltarians affected the Augustans' ability to control the eastern territories of the Empire. The Colsamite provinces, as Solentia, Kafuristan and Istalia were then called, had been devastated by the Augustan Wars, except for Alaria, but under the Augustan government they had returned to grow and to be a developed territory, one of the most urbanized of the Empire, and that it was still one of the great cultural centers of the continent, where the population and the elites, although by now integrated into the Augustan society and involved in the administration of the Empire enjoying ample autonomy of internal management, still couldn't wait to be able to free themselves of the Augustan domination. The Augustan Emperors, therefore, with the bulk of the forces deployed to contain the Deltarians and also dedicated to expanding in the west of Majatra, deemed it convenient to delegate the government of the eastern provinces, relocating entire Dorons tribes to the east of the continent, entrusting them with the management of vast portions of the territory in its place, while maintaining direct control over the richest areas: Alaria, the south of the Sarrentina Peninsula and the cities in Solentia.

Over the following centuries, however, both the local elites and the Doron Lords progressively managed to shake off Augustan control and began to clash with each other to expand and increase their power in search of hegemony in the area. Around 800 the principalities on the Alarian Island, then known as the Estalian Principalities, were totally independent while on the continent those who went down in history as The Seven Kingdoms had formed, led by lords who still formally recognized the nominal sovereignty of the Augustan Emperor but whichwere to all intents and purposes independent entities, formed through wars and marriages between the several rising lords and were the Doron elements emerged almost everywhere as the dominant elite. The Seven Kingdoms were: the Kingdom of Heraklia cetered into the Heraklian plateau in the northwestern Solentia; the Kingdom of Therak, extended in modern day north Istalian Trivendito and Solentian Thepinesne but which around the middle of 8th century conquered the area which had fell under the control of the three cites today known as Villaneddìa, Padua, and Veddilurmu which together for a period were known as The three cities of the sales, from which comes the modern name of the region Trivendito; the Kingdoms of Palsikon and the Kingdom of Marratu respectively in the southern and eastern plains of Solentia; the Kingdoms of Tulino in Ferano; the Kingdom of Accaria and the Kingdom of Neapulia respectively in west Fidelia and east Fidelia. Among the Seven Kingdoms, only Neapulia was not led by Doron elites.

However, the Dorons settlers in the area never achieved to establish veritable deltarian lordships or kingdoms, numerically and above all culturally they were in fact "overwhelmed" by the native population, on which they managed to impose themselves only because in the Augustan society, as well as in Colsamite one, only the armies of the Emperor or the King carried arms. So millions of former Colsamites, mostly defenseless peasants, were easily kept at bay by not even a few hundred thousand warriors, from tribes where every man was a warrior, who thus questioned the power of the local elites. On the one hand the new Doron warrior elites were interested in consolidating their power in the area not only through the use of the violence, on the other hand the original elites, allied with the Church, aware of the military superiority of the Dorons, wanted to keep their positions, thus being pushed to adopt the same warrior mentality of the new elites and to allied to them. At the same time the Dorons in that area very quickly abandoned the use of their own language in favor of that of the local population and were certainly among the first Deltarians to convert to the Hosian faith, thus ensuring the collaboration of ecclesiastical hierarchies. The Dorons who arrived in east Majatra abandoned their language and religion quite quickly but they also influenced and changed the society in those lands, introducing new uses, traditions and customs, ways of commanding, making war and politics, shaping, for example, the future sword nobility that will dominate the history of these areas for millennia, as well as legal concepts that will join the previous Colsamite and Selucian legal tradition. It is interesting to note that despite the quickly assimilation they left some traces of their language in the modern Istalian. For example, the word esercito (Army) derives from a word that in Doron was used interchangeably with the word for people, indicative of the deltarians mentality and societal structure; then from Dorons and related dialects therefore derive the words such as guerra (war), zuffa (scuffle), faida (feud), tregua (truce), trappola (trap), spranga (bar), panca (bench), sala (hall), but also verbs such as spaccare (break), arraffare (grabbing), scherzare (joking), russare (snoring), strofinare (rubbing), and even parts of the body such as guancia (cheek), schiena (back), nocche (knuckles), ciuffo (forelock) or zazzera (mop of hair).

It was at this point that the fate of the once Colsamian Provinces began to diverge although sharing some new societal traits: into the melting pot that Solentia and Kafuristan were at the time, a mixed Kalopian-majatran culture took roots while in Istalia the Selucian culture remained the dominant one. In Solentia the three Kingdoms in the following centuries splitted and rejoined several time between eachother, while in Istalia Alaria was unified under the Kingdom of Nicoma and on the mainland the Kingdoms of Tulino achieved to conquer several time Trivendito, while Accaria began to suffer the splitt from Fidelia, city taken by Neapulia around the beginning of 8th century and where the local Lords aspired to their own Kingdom. Both in Solentia and Istalia the elites were formed by a warrior nobility who governed allied with the Church but if in Solentia the Kings achieved to keep a certain control on its barons, in Istalia the power of the state was sliding towards fragmentation in favor of the barons while the largest cities and their population aspired to authonomy if not independence from the Kings as well as the barons.

The 8th century was a period of continous wars, mainly between the Solentian and the Istalian Kingdoms, due to the will of the two side to prevail but mostly due to the intrigues and political machinations of the powerful nobility who was emerging in the area. Lordships shifted from one Kingdom to another frequently during and between the wars and whole Kingdoms were pushed to war for the interest of this or that powerful barons. The major conflict happend around the beginning of the 9th century, while the Augustan Empire was in the middle of the Civil War (789 - 821), between the Alliance of the Nayar, formed by the Kingdoms of Therak, Palsikon and Marratu against the Kingdoms of Accaria and Tulino. The Kingdom of Neapulia was instead embroiled in an internal increasing tensions between the King and the powerful merchant class which undermined its stability: the Kingdom will be eventually conquered by the emerging newly established Kingdom of Fidelia but during the Augustan campaign to the east to retake the Colsamian provinces Neapulia will become an indipendet city-state.

Attempted Augustan recapture (871 - 880)[]

In 871, once the Augustan Empire had recovered from the Civil War (789 - 821) and after recent victories against the Deltarians, Emperor Lysander III launched a military campaign to bring back the Colsamian provinces under full control of the Empire. The increasing political fragmentation that both Solentia and the Sarrentina Peninsula were experiencing initially facilitated the advance of the Augustan armies but then, thanks to the intervention of the Kingdom of Nicoma, which had already become independent during the Augustan Civil War, thanks to the intervention of Majatra tribes from Kafuristan came to rescue their kindred in Solentia and therefore thanks to raids from the west by Deltarians allied to the Dorons elites who had settled in the east, the tide of the war turned upside down and in the end the Augustan armies had to retreat to the 880. The military campaign lasted for nine years and despite the victory it left the Colsamian provinces totally devastated and also depopulated.

Post Augustan dominion[]

Four Kingdoms and the rise of the Merchant Republics on the Mainland, 880-1100[]

Through personal unions and the mixing of bloodlines, from the ashes of the Augustan campaign to the east, emerged four Kingdoms on the Istalian mainland: Trivendito in the north-east, Tulino in the north-west, Accaria and Fidelia respectively in the south-west and south-east. Of these, Trivendito and Tulino were the most influenced by Deltarian culture respectively, while Accaria and Fidelia were most influenced by the native Selucian legacy, although Accaria too was ruled by a family descending from Dorons lords. At the time, however, after the wars, the devastation and the increasing political fragmentation, the state authority had almost vaned and the power relied on local level and the great lords had to count on vassals to administrate the lands. The Kings for most of the time had almost a nominal authority and most of the power relied on the barons. This situation facilitated the future societal development on the Peninsula: the fortune of the Estalian lands began to rise once again after 1000 CE, trade increased especially between Majatra and South Seleya and in the large and trade-oriented cities of the Peninsula wealth began to grow and the increasingly powerful merchants of the cities began to accepted less and less to obey and pay to the Kings or the Barons of their cities and baronies. Several revolts happened in numberous great cities and if most of them achieved great authonomy and the right to establish local parliaments to face the Kings, others, especially on the shores and areas where the political power was most fragmented, achieved total independence and arose as among the most powerfuls entities of the Peninsula thanks to the wealth they accumulated through the trade networks they had established around Majatra and southern Seleya. These city were the so callaed Merchant Republics: Vinesia, Neapulia, Genevia and Taranda, where the wealthy merchants achieved to oust from the power the old sword nobility establishing olygarchic reublican regimes ruled by their powerful merchant families. The fragmentation of the power and the clashes between the barons, however, allowed the southernmost Solentian kingdoms of the Pentarchy to extend their territories beyond the Nayars starting from the half of 10th century.

Quanzar and Alaria 880

The geopolitical situation in Sarrentia and Alaria around 1000 CE
brown: Solentian Pentarchy
yellow: Tulino
red: Trivendito
green: Fidelia
pink: Accaria
blue:
Nicoma

The Rise of Nicoma on the Island, 640-1000[]

Alaria, when the Augustan Empire lost its control on the easternmost lands of Majatra, was the first region in the area to gain its independence already at the end of 7th century. After the withdrawal of the Augustan armies and officials, the island was divided in several principalities and independent cities but quickly, unlike in the mainland, a process of consolidation took place during the post augustan period. The Kingdom of Nicoma, ruled by the House of Nacosia, descendant from an ancient Selucian-Colsamian aristrocratic noble family, which already governed the city and the surrounding area, managed to assert its dominance over the whole of the island by 750 (although the last indipendent principality was subjugated only in the a century later).

Subjugation of Alaria

The lords of the Island submit to the king of Nicoma

It was with the Nicoman unification that the last faithful of the old gods, living in the at the time still populated cities of Lepprios and Sana, were converted to the Hosian faith. The Nicoman Monarchy on Alaria, as said, was different from that on the mainland. In Alaria the Colsamian and Augustan mentality and sociatal structure were not affected by the deltarian settlement and the centralized structure of the state was quickly restored. While on the mainland the barons and the Kingdoms spent the time fighting each other, Alaria enjoyed much more peace, stability and thus prosperity, The centralized state was able to strive through the trade and a policy aimed to resume and streghten the relations with the other former Selucian colonies. Militarily, the major concern initially was the suppression of rebellion in the conquered Northern inland, then the development and maintenance of a strong fleet to protect its trade route, began to compete with the Merchant Republics on the mainland, where the ruling mercantile class enjoyed such a entrepreneural freedom that they were able to stand up to the most powerful Nicoman Kingdom where the heavy control of the state on the economy and trade was indeed a factor of weakness. To contrast the Merchant Repubic but also to extend its influence on the other Istalian lands, the Nicoman Kings began to be involved into the politics of the mainland since the first half of 9th century

By 1040 the monarchy in Alaria had undergone a political paradigm shift. Until this point, the Kings, in order to expand the Kingdom's influence on the mainland and to secure its trading interests. had relied on the services of the weakened but still very reach ancient great alarian lords subjugated and on the mercantile magnates of the old selucian city-states to run his military operations and administer local government. Over the course of the early 11th century, two Kings, Aculio and Sidanio, created a new caste of palace officials, courtiers, and agents of royal power who became the gears of a further centralized and professional meritocratic bureaucracy, the members of which were selected from birth for their positions and who owed everything to the royal family. Some modern schoolars believes that the ideas which led to the creation of this new caste of meritocratic bureaucracy came in Alaria from the eastern lands of Dovani where Jienism was spreading already for two centuries. Although it is true that the Nicoman merchants had already established regular trade routes reaching lands even in southern Dovani and that archeological evidences of dovanian and yingdala goods were actually found in Nicoma, there are no factual attestations about such claimed Jienist influence. What is sure it's that the political and societal structures between the mainland and the Island was diverging more and more.

The success of these reforms increased the strenght, power and the opulence of the Kingdom of Nicoma, leading to an increase of the Nicoman influence over the politics on the mainland. On the other hand, the new bureaucracy was both a tool and a burden for each new King, requiring great skill and ability to manage an increasingly articulated and complex state apparatus.

The Late Medieval Period, 1100-1250[]

During this period the tendency to the fragmentation of the politics left the place to the will of the Kings to reassert their supremacy and the cultural elites supported them recognizing the waste of energy and resources in the continues conflicts between the barons, also dazzled by the opulence of the increasingly powerful and wealthy Kingdom of Nicoma, where a single powerful King at the head of a centralized administration guided the fortunes of his people to new glories. Through the time the Kings also in the mainland began to recover their power and their rights over the barons and in the Late Middle Age among the four kingdoms on the mainland, Tulino was the first were the Kings were able to recover much of their authority, leading succesfull military campaigns against the other Kingdoms and also against the Pentarchy, securing the strategic trade routes on the mountains, increasing its influence and prestige. Bathed in the streams of global trade and blessed with a continual line of suitable male heirs, the realm progressed continuously and steadily over the plain of Trivendito and finally crushed the last King of the northern kingdom in 1049. When Trivendito finally fell, it was only a matter of years before the other kings submitted paying tributes to the King of Tulino. The great cities and the Merchant Republics, in order to keep their independence and authonomy make several deal with Tulino, whose Kings were more interested in expanding to the north against the Solentian and didn't wanted to risk a war against the wealthy cities, most of them ruled by olygarchic and inthe following centuries even popular government, like Florentia or Verunia. Then began the long war in the North against the Pentarchy. Throughout the 12th century, repeated expeditions from the south pummeled the Solentian fortresses on the Nayar and reached deep into the rugged valleys beyond the mountains. Slowly, they wore into the very fiber of the place, until in 1100, the Prince Lastor of Palsikom concluded a peace with Tulino, essentially becoming a tributary state and a vassal of the King of Tulino which now thus had a word also within the Pentarchy. Amog the other things, the borders established at the end of the war with Palsikom defined the modernday borders between Istalia and Solentia.

Royal Chapter Vinesia

Chapel of the Kings of Tulino in Vilaneddia

However, regarding the internal organization, the Nicoman model was not followed on the mainland: to control the aristocrats, the heads and heirs of each household were confined to the capital in Tulino, where the King kept them in virtual captivity. Here, they acted as bureaucrats and servants to the King whilst being kept sated with lavish gifts. The aristocracy elsewhere were left in charge of regional affairs, and they stubbornly resisted the monarchs' attempts to replace them with royal officials. In spite of the presence of the hostages in Tulino, the Kings were not really able to unseat the hereditary rights of the barons, for they still held the loyalty and respect of the local peoples. That is, the concept of nationhood had never taken hold on the mainland to the same extent as in Alaria, and if one were to ask a peasant in Trivendito who his master was, he would name his barons and not the King. The King of Tulino, furthmore, never really achieved to subjugate the Merchant Republics and also the other great cities enjoyed great privileges and authonomy. For this reason a unified national identify of both the mainland and the island only emerged much later under the umbrella of Istalian nationalism. However, this period of political unity in both the mainland and the island brought about a flourishing of arts, culture, and science.

These centuries saw the power and prosperity of the Merchant Republics grow through the expansion of their trade networks all over Majatra, Seleya and Dovani, establishing trade outpost and than veritable colonies in many distant lands, the most notable of them in the island of Vintalli where they, but especially Vinesia, established a control and an influence so strong and ingrained that there their language, actually a mix of all the mainland Estalian languages with mainly Vinesian influence, became a lingua franca and then it ended to raplace the prevous local languages laying the foundations for the development of the present-day Vintallian language. The competition between the Merchant Republics was extremely heated, there was no lack of clashes and political and diplomatic machinations to undermine the rivals and if some achieved to kept their power and independence, other didn't: Taranda, in fact, after the prosperity of 11th and first half of 12th century, suffered the competition of Neapulia and Vinesia and then was involved in the wars between the Kingdoms of Accaria and Fidelia. At the end of 12th century the city had lost its independence and became just a port-city contested between the two Kingdoms. The other three cities, instead, as mentioned kept their independence through agreements and alliance with the King of Tulino and other powerful barons. It was certainly a period dominated by an inciting and intriguing policy that was based on delicate balances and interests between the various interests at stake.

The Ahmadi Caliphate[]

Main article: Ahmadi Caliphate

The Istalian lands since the 13th century experience the great upheaval which interested whole Majatra: the expansion of the Ahmadi faith and of the Caliphate. From Barmenistan and Badara the new Ahmadi religion spread all over the continent pushed by the armies of the newly established Ahmadi Caliphate, which in few time conquered almost all Majatra. The Caliphate continued its conquest in the name of the new religion but already since the first years its organization was that of a decentralized empire with the local warlords charged to spread the faith and conquer new lands.

Siege of Verunia

Siege of Veddilurmu

In 1225 the Caliphate armies passed the Nayar while its fleets debarked on the eastern shores beginning a conquest campaign. The north of the peninsula fell progressively under the control of the Ahmadis while the defense was undermined by the fact that many of the dukedoms and vassals of the Kingdom of Tulino profited to rebel against the domination of Tulino, many even making act of submission to the new conquers. However, there were as many who tried to resist, among them notable was the resistance of the Dukedom of Verunia, last free city of Trivendito, which fell only after a prolonged siege. The first of the Merchant Republics to fell, instead, it was Genevia that suffered great devastation and it was almost destroyed.

The conquest of the rest of the Istalian lands, however, it was not a quick process. In the south, in fact, the kingdoms of Accaria and Fidelia, as well as the remaining Merchant Republics, resisted strenuously for decades, also because they were supported by the Kingdom of Nicoma. Furthermore, the feudal nature of the Caliphate, which heartland was thousands of kilometers away, slowed down preparations for military campaigns and it was not uncommon for the Ahmadi lords vassals of the Caliph to prefer to engage in more peaceful activities such as trade rather than live constantly in war risking their lives and that of their subjects. However, the Ahmadi determination in the long term was nonethless understimanted by the Kings of the Island who overestimated too the better defensibility of the Island, having the Caliphate expanded mainly through the land. It was precisely for this reason that in 1268 Nicoma found herself unprepared to face the assault by the Ahmadi fleets organized in the already subjugated Majatran islands. The north of the island was invaded and occupied but, more importantly, contacts with the mainland were severed for several years and it was only thanks to a joint fleet sent by Vinesia and Neapulia that the Ahmadi were repealled thanks to the great naval battle of Missena. However it was just an ephemeral victory only delaying the inevitable. In 1274 the reign of Accaria fell and, despite another fifteen years of strenuous defense, in 1289 also Fidelia was subdued.

The Merchant Republics of Vinesia, facing the armies of the Ahmadis marching toward the city, opted to make act of submission to the Caliphate remaining nominally independent but it was actually the beginning of its decline and it never recovered. Neapulia, instead, tried to resist alongside the remaining of the armies of the Kingdom of Fidelia which had taken refuge in the city but finally also this last resistance was futile. Compared to Vinesia, however, Neapulia kept a certain degree of prosperity becoming the most important port and trading center on the eastern coast of the peninsula. In 1299 and 1307 the Caliphate carried out two other assaults from the sea which further weakened the defenses of the island which, despite being able to repel the assaults, found itself cut off from trade routes finding then more and more difficulty in keeping the defenses in place. It was in 1313 that the Ahmadi fleets defeated the naval forces of the Kingdom of Nicoma taking the main ports on the Island in order to secure the necessary bridgeheads to invade the Island and finally subdue it in 1319 so that all the Sarrentine and Alarian lands were under the yoke of the Caliphate.

The fall of the Caliphate[]

However, despite the conquest, the Caliphate was never a centralized unitary state, but a collection of loosely-linked quasi-independent feudal states, all owing their allegiance to the Caliph, as the successor and representative of Ahmad. This allowed Sarrentine and Alarian forces to continue fighting against the local vassals of the Caliph and in the second half of the fifteenth century, just after the apogee of the Caliphate, first Alaria then some principalities on the mainland were able to regain their independence, taking advantage of the rapid collapse of the central authority of the Caliphate.

Unification attempts[]

By 1500 the Kingdoms and principalities in Sarrentia and Alaria were once again independent, and like in other parts of Majatra, Hosian dynasties regained power and began expeling the Ahmadi armies and rulers from their lands. Among the newly independent four Kingdoms on the Peninsula, the Kingdom of Fidelia emerged to be the strongest and most stable. In the 17th century the Kings of Fidelia progressively extendend their influence over the entire peninsula and introduced a number of reforms aimed at modernizing and centralizing the kingdom's administration, reforms which were implemented in the other kingdoms as well.

Between 1554 and 1591 the four kingdoms fought the Sarrentine Wars, a series of conflicts at the end of which the Kingdom of Fidelia had defeated and annexed the Kingdom of Accaria, which nobles and royal family fleed to Tulino, and conquered large territories in the north reducing both the Kingdom of Tulino and of Trivendito to the status of tributary and vassal respectively.

Wedding of Alessadro of Estalia and Anna of Fidelia

Wedding of Alessandro of Alaria and Anna of Fidelia

In 1612, Anna of Fidelia, the daughter of King Balduino I, married Alexander Duke of Argintera, brother of King Francesco Gabriele IV of Alaria who at the time had not heirs. Balduino, in fact, hoped for the passage of the Alarian Crown to the brother of Francesco Gabriele and thus for the possible unification of the two royal families, forecasting the future unification of the island and peninsula. The son of Balduino I, Deodato II, started a great building project in Romula, aiming to move the kingdom's Capital to the city and in fact in 1640 he commissioned the Quattroregni Palace which had to become the future royal residence. Fidelia's kings however never succeeded in their goals due to arrival of the Quanzar conquerors.

The Empire of Quanzar[]

Main article: Empire of Quanzar
Emirate of Great Quanzar Pennant

Flag of the Quanzar Empire

As Sarrentia and Alaria were consolidated under the rule of two kingdoms who were contemplating unification, a new threat emerged in the east. The restoration of Hosian rule in Sarrentia and Alaria was particularly violent, and this gave the Qansar Emirs, the Ahmadi warlords who had recently conquered all of Solentia, Kafuristan, and Kalopia, the excuse to launch a series of raids in Sarrentia, nominally with the goal of defending the Ahmadi faithful, but ultimately aiming to test the defenses of the kingdom of Fidelia, attracted by the land of the peninsula.

The Qansar Emirate took advantage of a rebellion that broke out in 1650 against the power of Fidelia in Ferano, a territory rich of raw materials. The rebels established an independent kingdom with Qansar support, and the fledgling kingdom hadthe capability of supporting a strong economy and a flourishing society, although it was very poor at the beginning. Things started out well however for the newborn kingdom, while the Kingdom of Fidelia, now cut off from the rest of Majatra by the Emirate, faced trouble struggling to maintain economical growth and avoid a depression, as the government had maintained throughout years of well-being very lax economical policies focused on consolidating its rule on the peninsula and defending it from the Emirate.

Ruins of Fidelia

The ruins of the city of Fidelia

Begining a long war with the Kingdom of Fidelia, the Quanzars continued their offensive campaign, and after over a century of struggle, the forces of the Emirate, led by the Emir Harun ibn Ahmad, took in 1771 the entire control of the peninsula, with the decisive battle at the gates of Reggio in Ingris in which the armies of Fidelia were totally defeated, allowing the armies of the Emirate armies to sack the city of Fidelia, which was totally destroyed. The survivers fled the country and many sought refuge in the Kingdom of Alaria, which accepted them. Due to the rising sentiment a lost fatherland to be retaken from the barbaric Ahmadi invader, the Alarian King Francesco III Iron hand  officially renamed the kingdom as the Kingdom of Istalia, the first Istalian entity whose name made reference to the Istalians and all their land.

Via

A caricature of the Quanzari oppression

At the end of the war the Great Emirate stretched over all the eastern Majatra, from the borders of Deltaria to the shores of the Sarrentina Peninsula. The occupation of the peninsula triggered the formation of unresting movements, as, among the others, intellectual manifestos like the works of Emanuele Terenzi, one of the most known authors of the 19th century. After the boycott of Quanzar monopolies (like tobacco), Istalian nationalists started to create secret societies like Istalia Libera and Resistenza Nicomese. The Quanzar Emirate tried to counter rising Istalian nationalism by giving the military the order to control the nation as a de-facto police force. Exiled refugees, principally in Solentia and Alaria, started to support the resistance with donations and external support. Famous is the creation of the Istalian Liberation Grant.

The Kingdom of Istalia[]

Main article: Kingdom of Istalia

The Kingdom of Istalia despite the superpower on the shores of Sarrentia, in the 18th and 19th century experienced a growth in richness and prosperity, thanks to massive trade with Seleya, the rest of Majatra but also with the eastern lands and Artania. The kings continued to administrate properly the island and the burocracy was always very competitve, expressing efficient officers. In this period the kingdom continued its attempt to fight the Emirate and to kick out it from Istalia and then reunifing the istalian lands.

Arturo Gabriele I

Arturo Gabriele I

Among the most important kings there was Arturo Gabriele I, second king of Istalia, which for all its life until the end of 18th century, continued to fight against the invasors. It is also known to have baptized the Palace of Villareale, masterpiece of the istalian neoselucian baroque style and one of the larger palaces all over the world.
In 19th century the kingdom was rich and prosperous but also in Istalia began to spread sentiments against the assolutism of the monarchs which led to undermine the stability of the kingdom. The king Vittorio Alessandro II, to avoid the break out of a revolution, granted the creation of a Parliament, the so called Istalian Parliament on the Island, with the crucial power to determine the fate of the Government.
For the rest of the century the capitalism expanded on the Island and under the leadership of liberal statesmen the Kingdom experienced important social and economic evolutions.

Emirate of Quanzar[]

Main article: Emirate of Quanzar
Qemirate

Flag of the Emirate of Quanzar

The mainland remained part of the Empire since its definitive fall in 1934 caused by the external interference of the Artanian colonial powers and by the uprising of the nationalisms in all the territories of the Empire.
The Quanzar Emir however flight in Istalia and moved here his court and the center of power of the Dynasty. This led to the foundation of the Emirate of Quanzar, name with which was officially rebaptized the peninsula, the name with which for the next five century was known the lands that in future would become Istalia.The Quanzars in Istalia, to attempt to supprime the nationalist movements, persued a politics of intense majatranization of the country but also engaged a war with the Kingdom of Istalia trying to conquer also the island, the last enemy of the Emirate.

The fall of the Kingdom of Istalia[]

In 20th century the Kingdom of Istalia was weakened by an internal struggle against the socialist movement which with even more force and support was claiming reforms, first of all an agrarian reform and the enlargement of the suffrage.
Strikes and workers uprising shacked the Nation and this led in 1921 to a first military golpe. However, the Kingdom was able to continue to defend itself from the Emirate: very important are two victorious large battle in 1923 which obliged the Emirate to sign the Treaty of Calliari with which it committed itself to respect the independency of the Kingdom.
Despite the Treaty, the Emirate profiting of the caos of a second military coup on the island in 1951, launched a large assoult. The war ended with the victory of the Emirate after 7 years of proudly resistance by part of a istalian forces: the Kingdom fell and was formerly taken by the emirate in 1959. Also if the island was defined as Quanzari Dominion of Estalia (majatran: قانزاري السياده من إستاليا, transl:qanzar alsiyaduh min 'iistalia), de facto it remained a far autonomous entity, where the ahmadi élite did not take part in the economical, social and cultural stage and the control was assured by a military occupation.

The collapse of the Emirate[]

Despite the conquest of Alaria and the begining of an unprecedent repressive policy against the istalians, into the emirate the situation tended to collapse in the following 50 years. Most of the Quanzars, finally integrated with Istalians, decided that the old Emirate should end, also because the civil liberties were very little, since the Sharia was bound as national law soonly after the ultimation of the Quanzari pacification campaign of Estalia.
Finally the Emirs were forced to recognize a constitution and the Emirate became almost a constitutional monarchy where however the monarch maintained a certain active role.

NeoSocialist Propaganda (Quanzar)

Communist propaganda posters

Despite the large concessions, the situation for the Emirs was degenerating while socialist and communist mouvements were increasing their power arriving to control the Parliament.
The end of the Emirate arrived during the Deltarian-Quanzari Conflict. After two years of tension with Deltaria in fact, many quanzari communist supporters and politicians, secretly supported by the communist Deltaria to weaken the Emirate, before the extreme radicalization of the anti-quanzari sentiment, began to accuse the Emir and its strict ahmadi law, accusing him also to have provoked the Deltarian supporting some extremist ahmadi foundamentalists in Deltaria and also in Al Badara. During this period of instability the istalians began to arise after the most repressive period (started after the conquest of Alaria) under the Emirate, joining the socialist and communist mouvements together with many other quanzaris.
After the failure of some negotiations the Emir was ready to disband the Neosocialist government which caused even more twnsion which quickly, for the fear of a golpe, the communist forces surges in the entire nation and finally, on 2110, a revolution starts against the Emirate.
In Alaria the ancient istalian dynasty, led by Eugene of Nacosia, great-great-grandson of Arthur Gabriel III, last King, profited of the turmouil to retake the power in Alaria, looking to extend the rule of the Kingdom also on the mainland, but the communist revolution spread also in the island and Eugene was forced after only one year to leave the island in exile in favor of Alduria.

After the fall of the Emirate, the former Royal House of the Emirs however was not treated poorly by the new government despite the communist ideals at the power: the last Emir and his family in fact were allowed to left peacefully the nation in favor of the Solentian southernmost region with most part of their possesions and assets where remained a respected and wealthy family centuries after they were dethroned starting however to develop interest in Solentia were throught the century they deplaced totally thier center of interest and continued their history.


The Union of Quanzari Soviets[]

Quanz

The flag of the Union

Created on 2118 after a period of troubles, the Union of Quanzari Soviets was finally established by the majatran communist forces, resulted as the real winners among the different group arised during the revolution and which declared the socialist society as the best way to assure a convivence between the Istalian majority and the Quanzar minority, also if the quanzaris at the head of the central government were able to maintain a certain prominence for thei ethnicity. However the quanzairs worked also to lessen ethnic tensions: the overpower of the orthodox ahmadism and the creation of a complete atheist state was the idea about a possibility to forget the precedent history of oppression, political as well as religious, which have had an important role during the Emirate rule.
During this period the Deltarian-Quanzari Conflict continued with Quanzar which increased even more its international support due to the Quanzari genocide in Deltaria.

After the conclusion of the Cold War with Deltaria (indeed there was no more quanzaris to defend in Deltaria which also turned their foreign activity against Selucia), the Union of Soviets, in appeasing the convivence between the two communities, works and for about 100 years the nation continues to maintain its integrity. But the nationalized economy and the lack of civil liberties started to make citizens stressed and unhappy of the communist government, and again the divisions arose among the people. This is why the People's Assembly fall divided itself in different wings, but in the last years the more democratic forces taken the control of the country and began to change it in a more liberal state. It was in this times that the founders of the first democratic Republic, the Partito Social-liberista and Alleanza delle Libertà (also if this parties was at time not yet formally recognized), started to think about possible institutional changes.

The rise of Istalians[]

The compromise: the Quanzarian Republic[]

Prop referendum

A propaganda poster against the reintroduction of the Istalian monarchy, titled On the shadow of the crown.

On July 26, 2233 the last People's Assembly of the Union of Quanzari Soviets, elected as constitutional assembly, solemnly proclaim the creation of the Quanzarian Republic (Repubblica Quanzariana). The name was chosen on Quanzariana because the old Nicomese Royal dynasty, this time led by Victor Augustus of Nacosia-Artois, after the collapse of the Union began to claim the Crown of Istalia organizing also an insurgence on the island in order to restore the old Kingdom, hoping to extend its sovereignty also on the mainland, leveraging on the pride of the inhabitant of the island, real cradle of Istalianity and accusing the Romula Government of betraying the Istalians by adopting too much compromises with the Quanzarian forces. Despite the large consensus, the island politicians proved weary of the possibility of a new separation from the mainland and so, with disappointment of Victor Augustus, they pushed to solve the dispute with a referendum in the island: the majority (67%) of citizens decided to become part of the Republic. Victor Augustus however, in spite of having accepted the result and dropping his claims, was very critical of the referendum and of the propaganda which for him focused the attention of the public opinion too much on the fear of a separation from the mainland, continuing to claim that monarchy was not the problem, and continued to seek supporters for the rest of his life, including on the mainland. After the referendum the Quanzarian Parliament transformed then Nicoma and Cisavugli into two semi-independent regions where the Nacosia House continued to live, becoming wealthy landowners and investing their fortunes in the Istalian industries. They didn't claimed anymore the Royalty also if until modern days any members of the family officially abdicated from the Istalian Throne, respecting the will of Arthur Gabriel III.

It is in this transitional period that those which would be became the first parties of the Istalian resurgence was founded: the Partito Social-liberista (formally recognized but active also on the Union), the Partito Borisista, the Partito Laico Riformista and the Partito Collettivista Internazionalista. On formerly ones, the most important were Alleanza per le Libertà (co-founder with the Social-Libertarists) and the Partito Libertario. The first Presidente della Repubblica was Marco Guadagnini (PSL).

The Istalian Republic[]

After 30 years of democratic government, the PSL decides to start a constitutional, historical change: formally recognize the Istalianity of the nation and change definitively its name to Repubblica Istaliana. Followed by all parties on the parliament, the constitutional law passed with unanimity [1]. Then, on May 2 2263, the Presidente della Repubblica Carlo Aurelio Gianti proclaims the creation of the Repubblica Istaliana with this speech:

ProclIstalia

President Gianti proclaims the Repubblica Istaliana

Wikiquote-logo-15px (Istalian)
«Cari cittadini istaliani,è con immenso piacere che sono qui nel Parlamento, ora Parlamento Istaliano, per proclamare la nostra repubblica Repubblica Istaliana. Dopo secoli di divisioni la nostra patria è ora una, libera ed indivisibile. Il sogno antico dei nostri padri è ora realtà: gli istaliani sono liberi, con una nazione dove la democrazia è sacra ed intoccabile.Evviva la Repubblica! Viva l'Istalia!»
Wikiquote-logo-15px (Luthori)
«Dear Istalian citizens,it's with extreme pleasure that I'm here, in the Parliament, now the Istalian Parliament, to proclaim our republic, the Istalian Republic. After centuries of divisions our nation is now one, free and indivisible. The old dream of our fathers is now reality: Istalians are free and they have a country where democracy is sacred and untouchable. Long live the Republic! Long live Istalia!»
(Carlo Aurelio Gianti, Extract from the Speech for the Proclamation of the Istalian Republic)


The First Republic[]

The First Istalian Republic was founded in 2263 when the political forces of the Istalian ethnic majority, once the political and institutional situation of the country had stabilized under the Quanzarian Republic, decided to proceed with the long-awaited step of finally establishing a veritable Istalian national state leaving definitely the Quanzarian past behind us. Three decades after the reform of the Union of Quanzari Soviets into the Quanzarian Republic, by now the Majatran ethnic component had been totally ousted by power, feeling the hostility of the Istalian population for a long time subjected to them and succumbing to the mounting Istalian nationalism of which virtually every Istalian political party was impregnated regardless of their political color, so much was by now the desire to break definitively with the past and guarantee a united and solid homeland that was one and only of and for the Istalians.

From the first decades of the newborn Istalian Republic, two main political camps gradually formed, two coalitions, a center-left to far-left one (Istalian People's Front which was then succeeded by the more stable coalition Istalian Left), and a center-right to far-right one (National Liberation Front), which in the following centuries, almost until the fall of the Republic, characterized the political and institutional history of the country, alternating between them for more or less long periods at the helm of the country and which saw more ephemeral political formations alongside those who were the longest-running and historical parties of the First Republic: the [[Partito Social-Liberista Istaliano]|Istalian Social-Liberalist Party]], unanimously considered as the political movement that most than any other was the architect of the creation of the first Istalian national state after having, together mainly with the Freedoms Alliance, reformed the Soviet Union and promoted Istalian interests and instances; Istalian Nationalist Party; Secular Reformist Party; National Democracy (later turned in the Radical nationalist Neo-Nazi Squadron); Internationalist Collectivist Party; Istalian Communist Refoundation (previously known as Quanzarian Communist Party); joined then by other long-lasting parties like Go, Istalia!, Istalian Borisist Party (although already previously established under the Quanzarian Republic as am environmentalist party); Hosian National Roots; Social-Communist Refoundation.

As mentioned, all the Istalian parties that charaterized the First Republic, despite the profound ideological differences and the most disparate positions on the political spectrum, were united by the desire to make the country a true and indivisible Istalian nation as much as possible, thus agreeing on the adoption of a whole series of measures aimed at privileging and imposing Istalian uses, customs, culture and language on the country, totally ignoring the Majatran minority and the growing Solentian minority of Luthorian-Dundorfian culture. With very few legislative measures but above all with the adoption of a very specific modus operandi and through education and influence on culture, in Istalia was in fact promoted a light but progressive and increasingly engraved process of instalianization, or re-instalianizzazone if you prefer, and therefore a process of ethnic and cultural assimilation of minorities once in power. Didn't even lack occasions of open hostility for these minorities, especially for Ahmadi Majatrans, the old oppressors thus, and this hostility emerged above all on those occasions that saw this minority organizes itself into political parties which, however, usually had a short life, failing never to affect the political life of the country precisely because of the will and tenacity of the Istalian parties to defend their homeland, their hostility towards the old dominating minority and their ability to make a common front despite the ideological differences in the face of such perceived threats to the country's Istalianity.

On the international scene, the country initially opened up to international relations, also placing itself as the architect of the creation of important international humanitarian institutions, such as the International Red Cross whose headquarters was placed in Romula as capital of the organization's proponent nation. In the face of various honorable initiatives and participations of this kind, there was also adhesions to international alliances of a military nature, although mainly of mutual defense, but the nationalistic positions, if not autarchic and isolationist ones, advocated by the main members of the right-wing coalition, dominated for a very long time by far-right formations, represented a significant brake on involvement in the country's international affairs. There was also no lack of decisions in this area taken on ideological bases that were not at all honorable: for example, by decision of a government of this extraction, assistance was denied for racial reasons on several occasions to a member of a defensive alliance of which Istalia was part since it was the Yeudist state of Beiteynu (a conflict with Pontesi and an internal uprising of Majatrans aimed at exterminating the Yeudists).

With the passage of time the attitude of strongly ethnonationalist Istalian politics began to negatively influence relations with foreign countries and this was strengthened by a latent but always present and strong feeling of mistrust and distrust towards foreign nations and especially of those who were becoming the hegemonic superpowers of the time, mainly the colonial powers of Artanian origin or in any case strongly influenced by them due to the historical ties with the northwestern continent. Although the Artanian powers centuries earlier had supported the Istalians, mainly the Kingdom of Istalia, in their struggles against the Empire of Quanzar, they did so mainly for the aims they had in Majatra and therefore for their interested at the time to overthrow what was the largest empire in the region.
Subsequently their interference in the affairs of the Majatran states, very strong was in the neighboring Solentia that was initiated to a progressive cultural and linguistic artanianization, generates in Istalia the increase of the mentioned mistrust towards them that was never overcome, especially under the years during which the Istalian national state lasted that coincided with the transition from great powers to real superpowers of many of these foreign nations. This Istalian attitude in turn was met with hostility by many of these powers as well as their numerous allies and client states, and this increased over time an ever greater distancing between Istalia and the international community.

It has even been hypothesized centuries later, although decisive proofs were never found after so many time, that it was an external plot that caused the decline and crisis that struck the First Republic during its last years of existence through hostile commercial and diplomatic policies, although it is undeniable how the country's tendentially isolationist attitude has greatly contributed to that. It is said, however, that external agents were the ones who financed and favored the seizure of power of the growing Solentian ethnic component in Istalia which led to the establishment of the first regime of the House of Hessex. The most recent studies have indicated above all Luthori, on the path to become the most powerful superpower of Terra, Dorvik and Solentia itself as the main supporters of the Hessex and the Artanian minority in Istalia, aimed at expanding the influence and the Artanian civilization in the world, to put an end to the perceived oppression of the Istalian majority towards of internal ethnic minorities, majatran one but at the end of the history of the First Republic above all Artanian-Solentian one, and therefore to establish a nation aligned to this artanian-centric sphere (formed by Luthori as well as by other nations once Luthorian colonies and generally governed by monarchical regimes where the rulers had great influence in political affairs).

The last years of the First Republic were characterized by a progressive collapse of the consensus for the historical Istalian parties and the dissolution of most of them without their inheritance being collected by new parties. Economic difficulties and cultural decadence made the population increasingly disillusioned and less interested in politics and it was in this situation that the first political expressions of the now well established and consistent minority of artanian origin, whose demographic and economic weight had come to heavily influence the fate of the nation, were formed. Profiting of the situation, through huge funding, the hypothesized, but very probable, external support, a not indifferent and prolonged presence within the armed forces (the Neo-Nazi Squadron, for example, was mainly led by members of the military mainly of dundorfian descendants arrived in Istalia from Solentia since the very first years of the First Republic) and also through veritable coups according to the Istalian parties established later under the Second Republic, eventually the House of Hessex through its political arms achieved to size the power in the country in 2685 and to turn it into a luthoranized monarchy which put in place a program to wipe out any sign of the previous Istalian state and culture even through explicit prohibition to use the Istalian language and actively persecuting the previous cultural and social establishment and intelligentsia.

The Royal Union and the Holy Empire of Quanzar[]

In the middle of 27th century Istalia find itself flowded by a great number of immigrant from Solentia who began to flight their country since the 23th century due to the extreme totalitarian regime established in Solentia inspired by Nuncirist, Panterranist and Archonist ideologies. Among them there was a related branch of the old Royal Family of the Emirate of Quanzar, which was known as House of Hessex. This solentian-majatran leadership began to partecipate to be active on the istalian political stage since the first years of 27th century backed up by the consistent and influential artanian solentian minority and in 2680 its political arms began to make propaganda for the establishment of a new Quanzarian Monarchy in Istalia, nothing to do with the old Emirate, but a hosianist and luthorized regime. The main political arms of the House of Hessex were the Order of the Golden Crown and the Hessexian Royalists which with the support of a luthorian cultural-supporting movement, the Rhodes Front, in 2685 the new Dynasty, after a golpe profiting of a political decadence of the Istalian Institution and national at the time, established the Royal Union of Quanzar, a monarchy which however after the name had nothing to do with the old Emirate: in fact, the House of Hessex was a convinced Aurorian family, like the House of Kansar in Solentia. The new monarchy however, like the old Emirate, was aimed to suppress all the istalian features of the nation and for this reason it proceeded to a heavy solentization of the country, where Luthorian became official language (the luthorian was a diffused lingua franca in the eastern region of majatran due to the colonial subjugation of some majatran nation by artanian powers and in Solentia in the past centuries has became the official and most common language).
Liberation fortunately came in 2751 thanks to the istalian forces of the Social-Communist Refoundation S.I., White Flame, Istalian Borisist Party, Reformist Secular Party as well as Quanzarian republican forces, and after a transitional period, when the Istalian political movements came back to be the hegemonic ones of the country, finally the Istalian Republic, the second one, was restored.

Second Republic[]

Although the Hessexians, which second monarch, James the first, was even declared Holy Emperor, had been dethroned by pro-democratic forces in 2738, the nation's solentian minority was still powerful and influent and the Istalians had made some compromises with them and for little more than a decaded the Holy Empire was ruled as a luthorian style republic. But finally in 2751 Istalians were able to fully retake control of the country.

This Second Istalian democratic regime saw the powerfull leftist coalition called Istalian Left, already created under the First Republic, among the founders of the Second Republic, remaining one of the most important and influent political actors into the country for most of its history, reaching even to almost turn the country into a socialist state around the end of 28th century, but which was contrasted, however, by the other powerful founder party of the Republic, the nationalistic White Flame which in turn later became the veritable hegemonic party of the country.

The extreme socialization of the economy, however, it was deemed as excessive as well as the quite internationalist tendencies of the left, considered as a danger for istalians by the nationalistic forces still rattled by foreign influences (the Hessexians, in fact, during their rule had been becked by many foreign nations which preferred a luthorianized country to an istalian one). For this reason at the end of 29th century Istalian Left coalition lost support in favor of rightist parties, mainly White Flame and National Renewal, which led the country adopting a mixed economy and an isolationist foreign policy.

During this period White Flame began to increase its influence on the country, becoming an instituzionalized hegemonic party which eventually placed the istalian political life under its control. Since the beginning of 30th century until the fall of the Second Republic it was Fiamma Bianca to "pilot", for example, most of the presidential elections supporting the other highly instituzionalized Istalian Laburist Party's candidate, leaving to the Laburists the highest office, agreeing with them in maintaining a mixed economy, while retaining control of the government.
This sort of political system, reduced to a partitocracy of two major parties, however, inevitably led to a progressive decadence of the political landscapes and institutions but, most important, was seen by the still consistent ethnic minorities as the institutionalization of the istalian supremacy on the country, an idea indeed vaguely supported by the nationalistic White Flame party.

In the first half of 31st century even the Laburists recognized the decadence of the institution and of the country but as they tried to really challenge the influence of White Flame, the nationalistic party spotted the Istalian Indipendent Movement as new institutionalized ally and in 3027 the first Indipendentist President was elected with the support of the nationalists. This political situation established by White Flame lasted for other fourty years but eventully in 3076 once again the Solentians and the Majatrans organized themself leading a coup against the weak, corrupted and old-growth istalian institutions, always backed up by extrenal allied forces. Once the Quanzari Restorationists party was reformed, heir of both the Order of the Golden Eagle and of the Hessexian Royalists of the Royal Union and the Holy Empire of Quanzar, solentian Robert Moon was elected to contrast White Flame and then proceeded to seize the power into the country put an end to the Republic and establishing the "Serene Regency of Quanzar", with him as Regent, as transitional government waiting for the arrival of Oswald of Hessex who few years later was reinstalled on the throne of a refounded Hessexian regime in the form of the Kingdom of Quanzar, with the Quanzari Restorationists' party as the only party authorized to control the government and starting a new period of repression and authoritarianism against the Istalians and their identity.

The Second Quanzari Restoration[]

Main article: Kingdom of Quanzar

In 3077 a new monarchical age took place under the obscure Kingdom of Quanzar, established by the Quanzari Restorationists and which was abolished in 3132 (although the Third Republic was established only after 14 years, when, once again, the powerful solentian minority was ousted from the power, by the joint work of the istalian parties Fiamma Party and Avanti Istalia!, both among the best known and longest lasting parties of the Istalian history, the former the veritable hegemonic party of the Second and the next Third Republic, the latter a protagonist of the politics of the First Republic, since 2293, and which existed under various form witht he same name until 3596, being thus active under all the four Republics and one of the greatest defensor of the istalian culture and indipendency from the foreign assoults.
The Kingdom of Quanzar became infamously known for the project of the Quanzar-Solentian Wall wanted by the Lord Chancellor Belisarius and which became a huge forced labor camp for political opponents, especially for pro-Istalian activists and politicians opposed to the regime and used also as a tools to litterarly exterminate the prison populations and as punishment for most of the crimes into the country.

Third Republic[]

After a transitional republic period under the final years of the Kingdom of Quanzar, in 3133 was finally founded the Third Republic which lasted however only until 3291.

Alessandra della Fiamma

Alessandra della Fiamma

The Third Republic, however, despite the Parliamentary system and a democratic set of law, was quickly hegemonized by the nationalistic party Fiamma Bianca which leader, Alessandra della Fiamma, became the supreme leader and master of the nation.
For almost twenty years the Republic was also reformed into an elective Monarchy.
The long lasting dominion of the country by part of Fiamma Bianca decreeted a progressive stagnation of the country under all the aspect and for this reason was so easy for the Quanzarian Restorationsists to establish again the Quanzarian Monarchy.

The Third Quanzari Restoration[]

The 3rd Monarchic Age of the modern history of Istalia took place with the Quanzari Restorationists who set up a new hessexian monarchy in 3291 by renaming the country Southern Majatran Union and Kingdom of Quanzar. During this period the Hessexian King of Quanzar claimed also his dynastic rights in Solentia as heir of the Solentia's Lion Throne due to the fact that King Oswald II was the son of Franklin Hessex of Quanzar and Maria Lyria of Solentia and that he married Veronica of House Trillion, daughter of deposed King Marius of Solentia. Their son, Hedrick, was the first veritable legitime heirs of both the crown. Under the Quanzari restorationists the nation alligned itself to the other monarchical powers of Terra. Notably the support offered by Quanzar to the deposed Imperial family of Luthori, deposed with the proclamation of the Commonwealth. The Hessex Dynasty furthermore was able to establish solid relations with several other monarchical nations, especially with the Theognosian one in the south of Seleya.
Internally, instead, this Quanzari Restoration was decisively more liberal and democratic compared with the previous one.

The Fourth Republic[]

Enrico Bergson-4th Istalian Republic

Enrico Bergson elected as first President of the fourth Istalian Republic

The modern storiography traditionaly divide the Fourth Republic in two periods of about 500 years each, called Old Fourth Republic and New Fourth Republic, which watershed are the Battistian regime and the Istalian Civil War. The Old Fourth Republic goes from the foundation until 4046 while the New Fourth Republic goes from 4046 until 4546.

The Old Fourth Republic[]

The Fourth Republic was founded in 3364 by the Partito Repubblicano Istaliano, the Partito Socialista Democratico d'Istalia, Terra e Popolo, Area Laburista and Rifondazione Social-comunista, the political forces which kick out for the third time the Quanzarian rule from Istalia. Its first President was Enrico Bergson, one of the leaders of the CLNI, Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale Istaliano (Luthorian: Istalian National Liberation Committee), the umbrella parties organization which united the istalian parties against the Quanzars.
Since this period the istalian involvement in the international affairs was always very limited, this due to the two long foreign dominations which generate a certain xenophobia in the istalian people; however the authoritarian power of the past instilled in the istalians a genuine love for the democracy and the freedom and this allowed the existence for century of a stable and democratic republic regime which contributed the developement of a good social-economic system that offered good standard of life for the citizens also if the istalian economy compared with the rest of the world remained marginal.

The Partito Repubblicano, well known afterwards as Popolari per l'Istalia, remained during most part of the history of the fourth Republic one of the main party of the political stage which for the first centuries contended the leadership of Istalia with the reformed Partito Social-Liberista Istaliano, a founder member of the first Republic, and then with Area Laburista Istaliana.

During 3515, the ruling government coalition was formed by the Fronte Nazionale, MoVimento d'Avanguardia del Popolo, and Alternativa Popolare, making up roughly 60% of the legislature. This coalition replaced the previous government parties, Partito Social-Liberista Istaliano-Avanti Istalia!. The Fronte Nazionale was a far-right party, the Alternativa Popolare was moderate right, and the MoVimento d'Avanguardia del Popolo was a centrist party. The alliance was uneasy as Fronte Nazionale HOG Francesco Napolitano has competed against the HOS Stefano Dorotà in the election of 3515, 3518, and 3522 without success. The opposition was a center left coalition of Partito Social-Liberista Istaliano-Avanti Istalia!. Neither party has endorsed a candidate for HOS since 3501.

During the first years of 37th century the Istalian politics was shacked by the arising of the Ahmadi Freedom Party, a Majatran and softly Ahamdi party which became the voices against the oppression by part of the Istalians of the majatrans living in Istalia. This party knew some success but never represented a veritable risk for the nation since the party itself never promoted actions against the istalians or the Istalian Republic but indeed it joined the istalian political stage recognizing and respecting the existing Institutions and regime. This was one of the last majatran and ahmadi party which knew some success into the istalian politics.

Between 3600 and 4000 the Istalian politic was dominated again by the Popolari per l'Istalia, sometime in coalition with Nationalist parties, to which was offset by several leftist socialist parties as the Partito Social-Liberista Istaliano, the Partito Socialista Istaliano, the Area Laburista Istaliana, the Partito della Rivoluzione Democratica, the Partito Comunista Istaliano.

Theognosian Arch-Patriarch Benedetto V

Benedetto V, last Arch-Patriarch of the Theognosian Church

A notable event involving Istalia on the international stage was the election in 3881 of the first Istalian and non-Canrillaise Arch-Patriarch of the Theognosian Church, Benedetto V, nee Gregorio Augustani, who was also the last Arch-Patriarch of the Church before the reunification with the Selucian Patriarchal Church decided during the Second Council of Auroria. Benedetto V was one of the most important supporter of the reunification of the two Hosian denominations.

During the early century of this period thanks to the committment of the Populars, Istalia started to open itself to the world and above all the efforts have been dedicated to the integration of Istalian in the Majatran continent joining the Union of Majatra becoming also a great supporter of the Pan-Majatran Movement.
Depsite this committment, the istalians remained always very concentrated on their internal affairs and the strong competition into the international markets caused a little shock to the istalian economy, which became dominated by foreign companies against which the istalian economy had to struggle for the last century to emerge and begin an effective competition.

Matteo Renz

Matteo Renz

Despite this, in the 38th century a long period of stability and dedicated economic policies under the long precidencies of Matteo Renz Junior granted a good increase in the economy and the reprise of international relations, aimed by a Pan-Majatranism which led Istalia into the Majatran Union. After this period, however, nationalistic and dirigist policies introduced by leftist party bring back istalia in a period of slowly growth, situation worsed by new isolationsist tendencies.

In the 41th century appears the nationalist and authoritarian Partito Socialista Democratico soon leaded by Antonio Battisti which held the Government for most part of the first half of the century, also favored by the dissolution of the Popolari per l'Istalia and by the not excellent electoral performance of Alleanza del Centro Democratico. However, the dominion of the Battisti's party, became Partito della Rivoluzione Istaliana, will lead its Leader to establish a leftist and nationalistic dictatorship.
In the last democratic time of the Battistian government appeared the Partito Socioliberale Istaliano, later bacame Istalian Social Liberal Party, leaded by Alessandro Senna which during the dictatorship and the Civil War of 4044-4045 fought against Battisti until his fallen.

The New Fourth Republic[]

President Alessandro Senna

President Alessandro Senna

Many called the Post-Battistian Republic Fifth Republic but never was recognized institutionally due to the brief time at power of the Battisti's dictature, which is consider only as a dark brief parenthesis in the history of the Fourth Republic. After the restoration of democracy the second half of forty-first century saw the return of the Popolari per l'Istalia and Futuro & Libertà which together and with the support of the PSLI introduced a Presidential Government.

During the first years of the so called third Republic, especially thanks to the government periods of the Social-Liberal Party, Istalia changed radically its way to participate on the international stage started to establish several international treaty while the favorable economic policy allowed the istalian companies to expand in other markets profiting of the decreasing of the presence and the power of older well know multinational (for example the Zardic Kostandian Bay which left Istalia and internationally was reached in power and popularity by the istalian Leonardi Industrial Group).

It were established strong relations with Solentia during the last decades of the 41st century, relations which led to the establishment of the ISDA, the Istalia-Solentian Defensive Alliance, which was a cornerstone for the growth of the Istalian military power, thanks to reduction in general expense before the bilateral cooperation, which allowed the maintaining of high standard and othr investment to improve the military capabilities of the nation.

Internally during this period, after the dissolution of Futuro & Libertà, the PPI passed to the opposition of the government coalition formed by the Partito Social Liberale Istaliano with Lavoro, Democrazia, Ecologia, at first leaded by the President Alessandro Senna, then by its successors almost until the end of the century allowed the introduction of the strong welfare which caraterized almost all the following 150 years.

The ineffective two victories of the right in the 80s, due to a large fragmentation of the political spectrum, showed the limit of the Presidential system and this led to a return to the parliamentary system in 4096 at the initiative of the Social Liberal's President Marcantonio Borgiese, with the support of all the other parties except the Populars.

The Istalian Politics in this period sees the emergence of new parties as Democrazia Istaliana and the Partito Liberale Istaliano, which formed with the Populars the alliance Union of Liberals, and several short-lived leftist party.

Given the increase of the support for the liberal economic policies, which showed already their effect in the first years of the third republic, the two historical parties of the recent history of Istalia, PPI and PSLI, started a convergence on the economic policies which leads to an alliance between PSLI and the Union of Liberals. The free trade and capitalistic policies of this period leads to an economic growth and to a new international policy which sees at the beginning of the forty-second century Istalia become an economical power and an influential nation on the international stage.

All the Istalian parties in this period finally were aware of the Istalian possibilities on the international stage and thanks to a very concerted foreign policies between different governments, also expression of opposite sides, Istalia gained its run to the first election for the Security Council showed itself as a champions of the Democracy and Protector of Human Rights. As s prominent member of the most important international organization, Istalia progressively became an even more influential nation in the international stage, also thanks to the growing of its economy and the definitive development of the Armed Forces which in these years made Istalia one of the great military power of Terra.

As one of the leading nation of the world, not only the friends but also the enemies multiplied and among them the most hardened became Saridan, Beiteynu and Vanuku. Istalia in fact, championing the protection of human rights and the spread of democratic and tollerant principles, became one of the most stronger opponent of the Saridanese Theocratic Regime which contributed to make fall leading an international campaign to establish sanctions and embargoes, which caused an economic collapse in the Theocratic regime. However, Saridanese segregational forces continued to maintain the control of the nation which continued to remain one of the most important opponents of Istalia In this period the establishment of the Social Republic in Solentia and its undemocratic policies caused the end of the ISDA so this pushed Istalia to find new close partner and expand even more its interests over the borders of Majatra.

NP 513 Aquila

The Aircraft Carrier Aquila, one of the first supercarriers of Istalia

Internally another political crisis led to a new constitutional reform and thus in 4134 was held the first election with the semi-presidential system proposed by PSLI and strongly supported by the Populars which have always advanced the idea of a strong President and of an electoral law providing for coalitions (in the past the Populars had already proposed and also introduced semi-presidential government systems). The reform was also widely supported by the Democrazia Istaliana, by the newly neo-battistian Partito della Socialdemocrazia Istaliana, by the Partito Socialista Democratico d'Istalia, former known as Lavoro, Democrazia, Ecologia (these last two formed with the PSLI the coalition Union of Center-Left in 4130) and the Partito del Patriota d'Istalia.

The second half of the 42nd saw the definitive affirmation of Istalia on the international stage and thanks to the increase of a strong capitalistic economy the istalian companies and investment grew and spread all over the world. In the middle of the century Istalia established a strong relationships and then an alliance with the emergent seleyan nation of Baltusia where the Istalia established its first base abroad. The second half of the century began with a first period dominated by the center-right Union of Liberals but than, since the 60s the istalian policies were led by the center-left Alliance of Progressives for Istalia, formed by the historically allies PSLI and Partito Socialista Democratico, with the partecipation of Verdi Istaliani - Partito Ambientalista Istaliano and Movimento Federale Istaliano. Federalization and great social democratic welfare were the main policies improved and the latter together with the even bigger istalian economy granted high standard of life to the istalians. In the 60s began to growth the relations with the Holy Luthori Empire with which was created the Organization for the Collective Security and Cooperation (OCSC), at the moment of its creation and for several decades until the middle of 43rd century considered the most powerful military alliance of Terra.

President Lorenzo Verhoeven

President Lorenzo Verhoeven

Meanwhile istalian companies profited in this half of century of the anarchy in Wantuni to establish and extended and rooted rule on the Mossavi region of Wantuni and they established a quasi-government control on the area.

In 70s Istalia suffred an economic slowdown caused by a political crisis in Baltusia which attempt to nationalize many Istalian assets, but thanks to a government intervention, which made also successful pressure on Baltusia, the crisis passed and in some years the situation returned to the pre-crisis standard. The last two decades however the Republic faced the most difficult period of its recent life, being targetted by a wantunian terrorist group, the Worker's Revolutionary Front for the Liberation of Wantuni.

Flag of the Istalian Protectorate of the Kalopian Free State of Mossavi

Flag of the Istalian Protectorate of the Kalopian Free State of Mossavi

The PSLI's President Lorenzo Verhoeven led the nation through this storm came to defeat the terrorist group and defend the nation, which established a Protectorate on the kalopian region of Mossavi to defend its interest and to respond to the request of security and stability by the local communities during the worst years of the wantunain anarchy.


Istalia as Great Power in 43rd century[]

Istalia since the end of the 42nd century definitively asserted itself as one of the major power of Terra and so as one of the most influential nation of the world. The Istalian Republic in fact managed to maintain continuously its role as prominent member of the World Congress, costantly elected as a member of its Security Council since its foundation at the begin of 42nd century. Internally the first half of the century was dominated by a reformed PSLI, became Liberty and Progress, which expressed two of the most important president of the period: Filippo Marra and Lavinia Maggi. In this period, however, the OCSC, that with the adherence of the world's biggest democratic powers, among them Kazulia, had become the most powerful military alliance of the world, experienced the defection of Luthori, which turned in Republic and reduced its international activities, and a serious diplomatic crisis between Istalia and Kazulia in the middle of 43rd century, reduced the influence and role of the OCSC, which today gathers Istalia and its closer all allies.

Cold War with the Socialist Super-State[]

The Majatran Revolutionary Socialist Federation, however, at the beginning of the century became the most relevant internationaland continental adversary of Istalia which forced the country to focus on the Majatran theater where the situation was complicated also by the strongly anti-Istalian foreign policy continued by Vanaku and Beiteynu, the latter became probably the most reductable enemy of Romula. For this reason, to contrast dictatorial regimes which still again were emerging in Majatra and defend the interests of the free nations of Majatra, Istalia, as international power and regional leader, leading by President Filippo Marra, pushed for the foundation of a new supranational organization among the free and democratic nations of Majatra begining to stregthen the relations with one of the other most powerful and advanced nations of the continent, Zardugal, with which was established an Alliance and Common Economic Area to integrate the respective economies and markets and to become the larger and most dynamic economic area of the world. The project then was enlarged and in 4222 Istalia began to promote the Majatran Alliance, modelled on the alliance with Zardugal but aimed to unite the other democratic nations of Majatra, first of all to contrast the MRSF but also the hegemonic aspirantion of Vanuku which never conceiled its committment to contrast the other majatran powers, first of all Istalia.

During this period, the prolonged political, ideological and strategic opposition between Istalia, leader of the Majatran Alliance, and the MRSF led to the increase of a more militarist and interventist foreign policy for the country, strong of its massive military power and of its international position. However, this was also the cause of one of the most controversed event of the century for Istalia: Davide Tajani, President of the Republic in the 30's, facing the adoption of the slavery and slave trade in Vorona, menaced the dovanian island of an Air Naval blockade. The international reaction against what was considered as an international gendarmerie-like conduct, was massive, with Istalia heavily blamed.
F The crisis was a serious blow for Istalia, with also its leadership inside the World Congress touched. Internally this caused the fall of Tajani which was replaced as leader and Presidential candidate of Liberty and Progress by Lavinia Maggi.

Maggi's Doctrine and the Badaran Civil War[]

With the progressive decadence of the MRSF in the second half of the century, instead, Istalia adopted the so called Maggi's Doctrine, introduced by Lavinia Maggi, elected at the Presidency for three terms, based on a series of bilateral agreement with members and ex members of the MRSF, to promote a general detente and a general efforts for the peace and the prosperity for Majatra, aimed also, however, to contrast the imperialistic attempt of Beiteynu, with which Istalia was close to unleash a war during the Badaran Civil War which saw Istalia supporting the communist but legitime and democratically chosen Government while Beiteynu supported the anti-Government Coalition, declared internationally as a terrorist organization. During this crisis, the Istalian diplomacy and its role as member of the World Congress Security Council, was able to avoid further foreign invasions in Badara, also with great sufferences, given that during a first attempt to negotiate the peace, President Maggi and the President of the Council Fatima el-Nusri (i Verdi!) were wounded by a terroristic attack led by the Coalition, something which however gave even more resolutness to the two women at the head of the Nation

With even more nations withdrawing from the MRSF, the Majatran Alliance expanded with the joining of several State (among them Pontesi, Eastern Kalopia, Deltaria) and the founder member began to push for the establishment of even more common programs and colaborations, also to fight the cronic instability of the continent where Istalia, thanks to the Maggi's Doctrine, managed to establish solid, friendly and cordial relations with most part of the continent, increasing its possibility to contrast Beiteynu and Vanuku.

The Thallers in Majatra[]

But a new menace for Majatra rose up in the 60's, the arrival of several members of the Thaller Family in Majatra, some with large numbers of foreign fighters and mercenaries in support, the so called Thallerist invasion, aimed to exploit the caos and the political weakness of several post-MRSF nations where to seize the power, generating even more caos, especially in Kalopia-Wantuni, where Istalia was working for a reunification of Western Kalopia and Eastern Kalopia, the latter became Federal Republic of Kalopia-Wantuni in 4223 after a popular referendum which rejected the unification with the western socialist Kalopia and united the foreign protectorates into the new democratic nation.

The Thallerist conquest of the power in Western Kalopia made fail the unification attempts and instead ignited a rebel uprising in Al-Najd which became a no-man's-land controlled by foreign mercenaries, rebels and terrorist groups from all over the world and by an ephemeral Majatran Republic.

During this period, Istalia, itself plagued by the foundation of a Thallerist Party, showed a great internal unity and stability and the political forces, led by the President Gianluigi Rosso, at the power for 4 terms and 14 years totally, liberal exponent of the far-right party Alternativa Istaliana commended several time by all the political forces due the surprising dignity and sense of honor and of the duty showed by an exponent of a nationalistic party, the living example of how the democratic values of Istalia are rooted into the Istalian society. Rosso furthermore increased with his several voyages the istalian relations with several country and was central in developing peacefull relations with the several fighting parties of the conflicts which ravaged Majatra at the time.


Internal Affairs[]

Internally, after the fall of the bipolar politics under the Verhoeven's Presidencies and the dissolution of several historical parties, the Istalian political stage was dominated for the first part of 43rd century by an institutionalized Liberty and Progress party which led the istalian politics as moderate centrist party governing with the support of right-wing parties, among them the Capitalist Confederation and the Republican Party], opposing more center-leftist policies of party like the New Social Democracy, the Verdi Istaliani - Partito Ambientalista Istaliano and Party of the Istalian Democrats.

Filippo Marra was sure the most important political personality of the period, which rose up to the public fame as the expert economist chosen as Minister of Finance to face the Global Financial Crisis blown up in 4203 which was his most important internal committment also under his four terms as President of the Republic. The Istalian economy not only managed to face the Crisis but it emerged also stronger then before. If to face the Crisis Marra adopted clear Kodonomic solutions (large national projects and works), in general he carried out for the Nation large reforms applying liberal economic policies (single-payer healthcare system supported by the State but managed by the private business, the liberalization of the pension system which left to the citizens to decide if benefit of a public or private pensions, and finally the liberalization and privatization of most part of the economic sector, excluded education and social welfare). During this period, as evidence of the soundness of the Marra's policies, Istalians' revenue (and pro-capita GDP) incresed even more placing them among the highest ones of Terra.

In the new century Istalian furthermore experienced a sort of cultural stabilization with the vast majority of Istalians who reached a consensus on the large political and civil liberties recognized to the citizens with only extremist forces promoting more restrictive approachs, a further signs of the stability and prosperity of the Nation as well as of its People. A signs of the clear entrenchment of these values into the istalian culture was the political approach of the far-right and nationalistic party Alternativa Istaliana, which despite its nature, always respected the democratic principles of Istalia, condamning also internal exponents which used violent means and becoming one of the most important opponents of undemocratic and terroristic movementscondamning together with a whole new generation of parties like the Radical Front or I Verdi!, new protagonist of the istalian politics alongside LP, in the second half of the 43rd century the oldest still active party in Istalia which continued to cover its role of institutional party of the Nation.

The second half of the 43rd century[]

Despite the defeat of the Thallerist threat in Istalia, Thallerist monarchies progressively were established in the second half of the century in several other majatran nations, notably in Barmenistan and in Deltaria. However, Istalia managed to establish good relations with the deltarian Thallers, due to the moderation of this thaller's branch which showed aimed to establish a stable and democratic democracy in Deltaria which, joining the Majatran Alliance, became one of the most close allies of Istalia. Just about the Majatran Alliance, the fact that the political forces showed to agree on the overall foreign policy, Istalia was able to gather into the organization even more nations and increase the cooperation with them, paving the path for a stable and long lasting continental peace disturbed just by few events. Furthermore, the contrasts with Beiteynu, well known suprematist and racial regime since centuries and with which Istalia was close to the war during the Badaran Civil War, began to decrease due to the difficulties of the beiteynese regime, even more isolated and with internal trouble.
However, Istalia in these times, more or less since end of the 70's, after the defeat of the anti-istalian coalition led by Rildanor, turned its attention to the even worse situation in the Imperial Crownlands of Hulstria where a suprematist dundorfian dictatorial regime adopted harsh anti Gao-Showan policies promptly denounced by Istalia.

But during this period another events challenged the Istalian Government: the arise of the Padagnan National Party, the padagnan branch of Istalian Alternative, became few years before the National Party of Istalia, which organized in its electoral stronghold an illegal referendum to ask the independency from Romula. To lead the indipendentists arose the young Luciana Vespa who in the aftermath of the referendum, which the PNP failed to gain, doesn't recognizing a defeat, proceeded with the seizure of the Palace of the Regional Council, indeed more a symbolic gesture than a real uprising. This unleashed a political crisis which divided the political forces of Istalia. Liberty and Progress arose as the most opponent to the secessionist movement while Radical Front showed a more conciliatory stance. However, Radical Front and its President Ali Abdul Aham showed to be disponible to leave space to the separatists and indeed promoted a new legal referendum for the independence. This plan was however stopped by a coalition of anti-secessionist parties, among them LP and Capitalist Confederation, which managed to install at the Presidency a figure determined to contrast any independentist proposal: Betta Maddaloni. She was a President which marked the history of the end of the century: she was able to find an agreement with the secessionists on just an authonomy referendum, which was however rejected; she showed a solid leadership during the brief Jelbanian-Deltarian War sending the Navy in support of Deltaria stopping any other nations, first of all the long lasting Vanukuean enemy, from intervening into the conflict which Deltaria easily gained; finally, her diplomatic voyages around the world not only promoted a more solid Majatran Alliance but also several new important bilateral agreement for Istalia, like the one with Badara and Aldegar.

The Wolfsheim Plague[]

In the meantime, Istalia promoted several measures at the international stage against Hulstria and its suprematist regime, joining the even larger coalition of nations ready to attack the dovanian nation which in that years managed to occupy Ostland thanks to the cooperation of a suprematist military junta, estending the anti Gao-Showan policies also in the neighboring country. The international coalition was on the point to launch a large military operations against Hulstria but just few years before the end of the century from Dovani a plague caused by a resistant bacteria, the so called Wolfsheim Plague, began to spread all around the world reaching also Istalia.
Istalia was among the western nation which suffered more for the Plague, with more than 100 thousand death and more than half million of infected. The situation in Istalia became so critical that the Government led by the President Alessandro Eugenio di Nacosia-Rohan was forced to isolate the nation and inside stopping the travel of people and goods between regions and cities. The emergency plan put in place, despite it was considered from some too extreme, actually has been considered as the key for Istalia to face the crisis and contain the already serious conseguences of the disease.
This caused obviously a serious social and economic crisis from which Istalia was able to recover only after a decade. The Plague crisis, furthermore, pushed the anti-Hulstrian international coalition to postpone any operations while Hulstria tried to gain a best position, due to the fact that its scientists were the first to study the bacteria, offering important scientific aid to the rest of the world.

The Hulstrian War[]

Despite the serious situation, the international efforts to contrast the Plague, with most part of the nations committed in contrasting the disease, finally discovered a solution which allowed the world to fight and then defeat the terrible pandemic. Hulstria, in the meantime, was found guilty of genocide against the Gao-Showan, revelations which unleashed the international reaction. In the meantime, rebel groups open what is known as Hulstrian Civil War of 4304.

A great coalition with the mandate of the World Congress then attacked Hulstria from the sea and from Kazulia and Ostland from the south with the objective to rid the occupied nation, support the rebels and destroy the suprematist regime led by the dictator Leopold Nimitz. The war was long but the coalition finally achieved to defeat the suprematists and to install a fully democratic government.

The 44th century[]

The Temrkai-Votta doctrine[]

After the end of the Dovanian crisis and during the social and economic recovering, the new century saw the political landscape of Istalia once again populated by veritable leftist party while Liberty and Progress began its moving to the left after a century of liberal policies. However, the first years of the century saw also a strong cooperation between LP and the National Party, led by the pragmatic Demetrio Votta, which promoted a new foreign initiative: the end of the hostilities with Vanuku. Votta in person led the negotiation with the Vanukuean Government which agreed with the Istalian one on the fact that Istalia and Vanuku, leaving behind the centuries of contrasts and starting to cooperate instead then fight, would be able to promote a more stable Majatra and to make grow their economies. This new doctrine, called the Temrkai-Votta doctrine, from the name of the President of Istalia and the King of Vanuku, was a veritable revolution for the entire continent on which the first word became Majatra for the Majatrans, a position of both the majatran greath powers aimed to limit the interference in Majatra from foreign nations. With this common committment, both Istalia and Vanuku strengthen their role in Majatra, decreased the continental tensions and promoted a period of stable peace.

The success of the Majatran Alliance[]

The 44th century was decisively one of the longest lasting period of peace and prosperity for Majatra and saw the triumph of the Majatran Alliance, which arrived to include the majority of the nations of Majatra, led by Istalia and Vanuku, closely coordinated among them to graant the stability into the continent.
For Istalia this was probably the achievement of centuries of committment and efforts and cemented the role of th country as great power.
However, focusing its foreign policy on the Majatran Alliance, Istalia assumed a role more defilated into the global geopolitics reducing also its activity into the World Congress, despite it gained a permanent seat into the reformed World Congress Security Council as global superpower.
Thanks to the increasing majatran economic coordination and integration, the istalian economy experienced a huge expansion penetrating even deeper into all the continental markets.
Several expertises at the time said that what prompted the at the time governments to commit themselves to bring Vanuku within the Alliance was not only the desire to definitively close the circle of the process of rapprochement with Wiel, but also and above all a necessity linked to economic, financial and internal politics: since the middle of the previous century, in fact, the anti-MA sentiments between the public opinion had increased decade after decade and the main motivation advocated by the anti Alliancists was precisely the excessive commitment of Istalia into the organization, especially from a financial point of view. Istalia has always been the member that most of all contributed to the Alliance's budget and with the introduction of several common programs, over the years the burden on Istalia growed more and more and according to the most critical politicians and opinionists at the time, most of the other member nations would have only taken advantage of this Istalian committment, being branded by the most extremes even as underdeveloped parasitic nations that drained away vital resources from Istalia.

45th Century[]

The 45th century represented a century of challenges and great trouble for Istalia, prompted mainly by the crisis the Majatran Alliance will experience in this century. The crisis for the Alliance blowed up when it proved to be impotent in solving the crisis between Deltaria and Vanuku, both members of the Alliance, engulfed in the Jelbék Civil war (4408-4424), aiming both to estend their control on the unstable central majatran nation. When Vanuku launched its nuclear attack against the Deltarian forces in Jelbania, Istalia found itself really isolated, forced to condamn the Vanuku's actions but which tried to maintain good relations with.
Many other majatran nations perceived the weakness of the Alliance and, sick of the Vanuku-Istalian "dictate" and unsatisfied by the proposed reform of the Alliance presented by Istalia, leading by Cildania they founed a new majatran organization, the Majatran Union of Nations. Istalia agreed with Cildania to enter in the MUN but remaining into the Alliance, hoping to be able to integrate the two organization: Istalia, wanted extend its influence also within the new Union, but being more than an Alliance and closer to a supernational government, the influence of single nations were not so determining toward the elective Grand Assembly and President of the MUN. The Black Thursday, however, perceived as caused by the troubling Alliance and the decreased role of Istalia into the MUN, pushed many to regret to be entered into the MUN: the Governments in the middle of the century decided to leave the MUN, also because a socialist coup happened in Deltaria establishing a new socialist regime which was accused by Istalia to want to reduce the MUN.

Promoting once again a reformed Majatran Alliance, Istalia tried to assert its influence partecipating in the war in defence of Cobura from the aggresion by part of the Zardic Augustine Empire and also entering into the delicate Jelbanian situation supporting the coastal cities of the Free Democratic Republic and opposing Deltaria and its puppet state of the Southern Jelbanian Khanate.
The terroristic wave which interested Istalia in the second half of the century, however, diminished once again the Istalian attention to the international affairs and despite the political forces was able to contrast it, domestically as well as abroad, a new crisis focused all the attention of the country: the far-rightist Solentia was, in fact, evolving in a veritable fascist regime which caused the breack of the relations with Istalia which, however, was forced to contrast a large migration crisis from Solentia due to the even more repressive regime.

The general political decline of the country of the end of the century, the lack of skilled politicians and governments interested in the foreign affairs, then another economic crisis due to the loss of ground on international markets at the beginning of the 46th, finally, drastically decreased the influence of the country, formally degraded by most part of the ranking agencies and institutions already in the 80's of 45th century, which didn't represented any more a global but only a regional international actor which effectiveness, however, was very limited due to the great internal crisis which affected also the large military expenses of the country.

46th Century[]

The final years of the Fourth Republic[]

The first half of 46th century was a period of great difficulties for Istalia, which experienced another decline after the reprisal of the end of 45th century due to a general political decadence, economic contraction and decrease of the presence on the international market, social unrest due to the spreading of Metzist ideologies, in a period which saw the establishment in Majatra of socialist regimes, like Deltaria and Jakania which joined the social nationalistic Barmenistan.

The first decade of the 46th century Istalia saw the leftists from the Democratic Front gaining three presidential elections but the center-rightist majority controlling the Parlament. The austerity politics adopted by the center-rightist governments to contrast the economic decline, united to several hazardous deregulations, pushed many istalians to go closer to leftist ideologies and in fact, the following two decades saw only socialist governments. These governments they undertook several large socialist-inspired reforms and didn't dislike to approach new partners in Majatra. Around the end of the 30's there are open debate about the establishment of a veritable socialist republic: this pushed many within the Armed Forces to begin to plot against the Institutions even more controlled by the socialists. To reinforce their lines, the anti-socialist putschists brought in a large number of mercenaries: the golpe would have been persued just after the elections of 4546.
However, the putschists didn't was aware that they were Thallerist mercenaries and in fact Julius von Thaller anticipated the putschists' leaders leading an uprising before the elections using also istalian soldiers who believed to receive orders by their superiors.

The Thallerist Revolution[]

Julius Thaller was able to took the control of the Capital and many other centers, immediatly starting what he called the Thallerist Revolution. Julius von Thaller declared himself President of the Revolution and created his prime minister, the Secretary of the Thallerist Revolution, to whom enthrusted the task to arrest all the political dissents and to crush the oppositions. Immediatly many "voluntary" forces from thallerist or friend regime were invited in Istalia began a period of terror.
The Armed Forces suffered a lot from the aborted coup, divided due to clashes between loyalist and putchists, the emergence of a socialist wing and obviously the aggression by part of the mercenary forces.
But not all had gone to waste: a clandestin resistence started to organize and to contrast the Thellers, led by persecuted politicians among which arose Giulio Appiano De Borromei, a local romulan politicians, whose son, Michele Appiano De Borromei, started instead to gather once again together the Armed Forces. Giulio Appiano De Borromei, however, was captured and executed by the Thallerist force, but his efforts was not futile: Julius von Thaller pursuing the uprising were able to count on the surprise effect and to use many men of the Army deceived if not even confused by the aborted coup organized by their superiors, but at that point, even with further forces, he was not able to contrast the entire Nation. After two years of clashes the Istalian forces finally deafeated the Thallers in 4548 but Julius von Thaller fled desappearing.

A provisional administration was established just to organize new elections which were contested, however, by few parties in an Istalian still under shock and the big-tent Liberal Party thus get sufficent preferences to seize the parliament in 4551. The provisional government established, however, was plagued by contrast between the members, focused more on accusing each other for what was happened in the Country. It this climate, Michele Appiano De Borromei, catapulted to the national glory as son of Giulio Appiano De Borromei and considered as the one who reunited the Armed Forces, decided to found a new political movement Glory and Rebirth, taking personal the field to pull the country from such a abyss.

The Fifth Republic[]

Despite the Parliament was totally in the hand of the Liberal Party, Appiano De Borromei gained quickly an unexpected as much as strong pupular support of such magnitude that many deputies started to declares their support for the proposal of the new istalian rising leader. In 4554 President Caiola appointed Admiral Filippo Sartori, former Chief of Defence Staff and right-hand of Michele Appiano De Borromei, as Head of a government formed by Liberals and extra-parliamentary members of Glory and Rebirth, among which also Alessandro Appiano De Borromei, nephew of Michele, as representative of the young officers of the Armed Forces, being Alessandro a captain of the Air Force.
The new Government with resolutness reorganized the State into a Presidential Republic founding the Fifth Istalian Republic.

The first elections of the new republic, in 4551, were won thriumphantly by Michele Appiano De Borromei while his party seized the control of the Parliament. The new leader years after years increased his appreciation between the People, conquested by his charisma as well as thanks to the important and vigorous reforms as never seen for decades. Furthermore, he fascinated the population with his vision of the future for Istalia, a vision of glory and prosperity, a vision of renaissance, a vision of a democratic state that will never will allow to fall under who wants exploits the democratic freedoms for his interests and against the democracy itself, he fascinated the Istalians with his idea of Militant Democracy.
The enforcement of several laws inspired by the defensive democracy philosophy, allowed the Government to crack down many extremist movements and also some terroristic organizations, among which a far-rightist group which attempted a series of attacks.
But not only the national security concerned the first years of the Fifth Republic, but also a new increase in the social unrest caused by the decisively liberals politics against which the trade unions organized large demonstrations and strikes became frequent.
The liberal-leading government was willing to not give concessions, also due to the pression by many within the Armed Forces who were decised to canceed any space to socialistic ideas or compromises. However, they were took by surprise by Michele Appiano De Borromei when through an official speech expressed his comprension for the workers' issue and promoted a more cooperative way to go towards demands which he considered as fully legitimate by part of honest workers. For this reason he promoted several laws in favor of workers and trade unions, but this put in alarm several high ranks of the Armed Force.

August 21th 4558, a coup d'état was attempted by some officers of the Armed Forces supported by Liberal exponents of the Government and more than 40 members of the at the time 125-member National Congress. Furtunately the attempt didn't survive to the night and the putchists were defeated by the loyal Forces and also by the partecipation on many civilians. Michele Appiano De Borromei, however, immediatly was forced to face a new menace, the rising fascist movement of the Nationalist Workers Party which, despite the laws against anti-democratic parties, was able to organized many apparent indipendent civic lists in reality linked to the leadership of the party. The NWP focused his electoral campaign towards all those movements opposed to Appiano De Borromei, but the NWP was also able to manipulate the informations and to spread disinformation and false news.
Filippo Sartori, former Head of Government, who was ready to contest the elections leading his new party Guard of Democracy, decided to counteract the fascists convincing all the other parties accepted by the National Electoral Committee to reunite themself in a common national list, the Coalition for the Democratic Cooperation and it was a success: the Coalition defeated the lists led by the fascists and Michele Appiano De Borromei was re-elected. The Head of State was the real commander of this Government, made approve important increase of the funds for research and education, underligning the important of such matter for a develped society full of opportunities, promoting also an international research project on fusion energy.

Within the majority, instead, the liberals profited of the large victory by part of Guard of Democracy to make pass a national welfare reform which however was contrasted by the Social Democrats who threatened the Government to left and gaining several concessions approved in the following years.

It was the truly apotheosis of Michele Appiano De Borromei, saw as a savior by an Istalia frightened by so many events, upheaval and menaces but also fully of hopes for the future depicted by Appiano De Borromei.
The fascist in less then two years lost most part of their previous support and finally was the Constitutional Court to definitively disband the party, leaving the Coalition as sole organized political force of the country. The parties who decided to join the Coalition to contrast the NWP contested the elections of 4567 in separate lists but as parented lists of the Coalition, agreeding in continue to form national unitary government and support the Head of the State, but enthrusting the people to determinate the influence of each party, and under the Coalition at the time there were both the New Liberals and the Social Democratics.
The new term saw Michele Appiano De Borromei more active internationally, visiting Ladomun, with which he agreed an industrial partnership and other friend nations to strengthen the relations of Istalia, but he also supported with force a new modernization program of the Armed Forces, aimed to complete and expand the last great modernization program started at the end of the previous century which was not fully accomplished due to the economic crisis and the general decadence.

The First Istalian Empire[]

Main article: First Istalian Empire
Michele I swearing as first Istalian Emperor

Michele I swears in as first Emperor of the Istalians

In 4569, despite the next elections were sceduled only for 4573, many started to feel somehow uncormfortable with the idea to see Michele Appiano De Borromei retiring from the politics, the one who, like no one in centuries, had succeeded in inflaming the hearts of the Istalians and creating such hopes and expectations, reinforced by the great performances of the nation which was raising its slope with exceptional rapidity, had entered the heart of the population, also thanks to the initiatives of the Guard of Democracy which lavished its energy on the exaltation of the Head of the State and his figure. Damiano Valenti, right-hand of Sartori and leader of Guard of Democracy, which was seizing the control of the Coalition, decided the next year to propose something of totally radical to honor Michele Appiano De Borromei and to reassure the population that its savior, who was reviving the fortunes of the country with such brilliance, would remain a timeless figure always keeping watch over the country's destiny, he proposed the most radical democratically implemented constitutional reform ever seen since the beginning of the country's democratic history. In fact, he proposed, using the words of Valenti himself, to enthrust the perpetual guide of the Res Publica to an Emperor, which Imperial Dignity was vested in Michele Appiano De Borromei. At the beginning of 4571 a specialized committee formed by the Congress on initiative of the Government began to develop the reform which was presented in July and finally approved by the National Congress as the Imperial Constitution. The reform was then submitted to a national referendum the last day of August which saw the population confirming the reform with a positive plebiscitarian response for the new Emperor of the Istalians: 1th September 4571 the Fifth republic was officially superseded by the First Istalian Empire.

The first decade of the newly established monarchy was internally charaterized by the strong opposition to the Empire and Michele I by part of the Istalian National Party led by Faisal Saed which, feeding with false news the government and the political parties of the neighbouring Solentia, even suggesting that the the previous ruling party was planning a war against Solentia, tried everything to be backed by the international communtiy in order to demolish the new institutional system. These efforts, however, didn't succeeded and indeed after few years the party was disbanded by part of the judiciary authority due to veritable illegal attempts to size the power and to overthrow the monarchy.
Since then internally the situation stabilized, especially after that a new party was formed, the Socialists & Democrats, led by Paolo Tarso which, despite its leftist positions, expressed its support for the new institutional system and indeed Paolo Tarso and his party hegemonized the politics leading the country continously for more than 25 years. Under Paolo Tarso Istalia turned into a strongly social democratic nation with a state heavily involved in economy and granting vast services and a huge welfare system. It was under the leadership of Paolo Tarso that the Istalian Empire was involved into the first important international committment of Istalia of the new era, namely the military intervention in Kazulia alongside the democratic forces uprising against the fascist and frankenteinist regime of Theodor Lynden Frankenstein, a war which lasted four years and which was crowned by the triumph of the democratic forces for which the Istalian assitance was crucial to defeat the regime.
On initiative of Paolo Tarso the AISA, the Istalian space agency, the country set out to conquer space aiming to bring Istalian astronauts to the Moon, an accomplishment achieved a decade after circa reaching the Moon with the Pegaso 5 mission, letting Istalia join the restricted and exclusive club of the nations of Terra that have brought men to the Moon.
It was then during the tenure of Prime Minsiter Tarso that another party which will be a protagonist of the politics of Istalia under the Empire formed: the leftist and strongly republican Left Bloc.
Paolo Tarso died still in service at the end of 4610 just after the eighth consecutive electoral victory, entering by right into the pantheon of the great statesmen of the history of Istalia after having marked a quarter of a century of Istalian politics achieving great accomplishment for the country both domestically and internationally. Furthermore he was really crucial for the stabilization of the Imperial system, a process also favored by a strong friendship and a great mutual respect between Tarso and Alessandro I, second emperor of Istalia as successor of the Michele I, who had died in 4593 amidst the dismay and pain of the entire nation, seen as a veritable new Father of the Fatherland, a title even officially recognized to him by the country, whose affection and closeness to the new monarchical institution had progressively consolidated.

In the following years Istalia international committment turned to Majatra where it tried to contain the foreign policy of Zardugal which had established close aligned overnments, by some considered just as puppet regimes, in several majatran country. However, the shifting of the balance of power domestically to the right-wing parties, which foreign policy was mainly led by the National Alliance, signed a reapproachment between Istalia and Zardugal, favoured also by the personal friendship which developed between the Emperors of both the country at the time, Felipe I of Zardugal and Nicola I of Istalia. Together both the countries indeed joined efforts to contrast the ever more authoritarian and aggressive stances by Deltaria whose Tsar Miroslav sized absolute power. However, while tensions with Deltaria increased, Zardugal internal issues and instability left Istalia without a key ally. Despite this, the Deltarian aggressive foreign policy pushed Istalia to a reapproachement with Vanuku with which it joined, alongside several other nations, an international coalition to contrast Tsarist Deltaria which government, feeling the international pressure and to contrast internal discomforts, eventually decided to invade the neighbouring Jakania in 4635, starting what became known as the Deltaria-Coalition War. Istalia, alongside Vanuku and Dorvik, with the support of Kalopia and Kazulia, joined the war efforts but even before to be able to send its expeditionary forces in Jakania, the Istalian Armed Forces, particularly the Navy, suffered what is remembered as their worst military defeat, the Disaster of Alaria, a surprise attack by part of the Deltarian forces against the Istalian naval expeditionary groups gathered in north Alaria which severely hampered the Istalian Navy's ability to quickly deploy their forces in Jakania, meaning the country had to turn to the Vanukuean Navy for support although the government was also able to reach agreements with both Kalopia and Kazulia to utilise their western base on the Deltarian border for an air campaign against Deltarian military targets, heavily bombing Czarist troops and military installations, which was crucial for the following ground invasion of the country after the liberation of Jakania. Eventually Czarist Deltaria was defeated, the country occupied and divided in occupation zones controlled by the Coalition members and Istalia alongside Jakania championed prominently a process of deczarification of the country. Particularly Istalia efforts for the deczarification focused on the removal from Deltarian society, culture, press, economy, judiciary and politics of all Thallerist sympathisers, not only because deemded to be a major factor in Deltarian imperialism, but also because for centuries the Thallers had been probably the worst enemies and among the greatest threats of Istalia.

In this period, always thanks the personal closeness of Emperor Nicola I with the Imperial House of Hulstria, having the Emperor married a member of the at the time Hulstrian House, the Empress Consort Josephine, Istalia incraesed relations with this dovanian country for the very first time becoming a privileged partner in Dovani. In general the Istalian prestige had increase as well as its economic and technological accomplishments which had definitively skyrocketed Istalia once again among the great powers of Terra, leaving partially behind the foreign doctrine adopted at the beginning of the Imperial era which was charaterized by a less interventionist stance compared to the great years of the Fourth Republic, opting to make heard once again its voices facing international crisis being able to count on a newly reached very authoritative and respected international reputation. All this was greatly celebrated especially with the celebrations for the 100th anniversary of the foundation of the Empire, a lavish event that, despite the always solid republican opposition, skyrocketed the national prestige further consolidating the Imperial institution, despite during the previous century many observers had suggested that the new political system would not last long in a country like Istalia with its very long republican tradition. However, it was in these years that the institutions and the political parties faced the most serious constitutional crisis of the history of the First Empire, the 4666 Istalian National Assembly crisis, which didn't involved at all the Crown but rather the figure of the President of the National Assembly, the national legislature, which saw the leftist parties allied into the Republican Front coalition rejecting the candidate by the National Alliance party pretending that an exponent of their coalition had to be appointed. The crisis was eventually solved with an amendment of the Law on the President of the National Assembly, a law approved thirty years before and which was considered as the most important constitutional reform undertaken under the First Empire which had seen the figure of the President of the National Assembly incraese their powers becoming the institution tasked to conduct post-electoral consultation with parties to determine the governments, a reform that for several decades calmed a bit also the anti-monarchical fronts, satisfied to have seen the Imperial prerogatives decreased (previously the Emperor was the one to conduct consultation and nominate a candidate Prime Minister). With the amendment of the law the republican parties, united under their coalition, achieved the possibility to size their control on the second highest official of the State but this, in turn, prompted the monarchical parties to form their own coalition: the Coalition for Imperial Cooperation. The Republican Front, and particularly the Left Bloc, were able in these years to increase its influence especially in Trivendito which became a republican stronghold and were sentiments for seccession began to grow, but not like under the fourth republic but this time prompted by the desires not to be under the monarchical Istalia.

In the second half of 47th century internationally Istalia was involved into a crisis interesting the Anantonese Ocean where Kalistan unilaterarly decided to close the Ananto Straits to foreign military vessels and put further limitations and controls to the trade traffic, a decision that pushed Dorvik and Lourenne to react to what was considered an infringment of international laws, especially the long-lasting and ancient treaty on the Law of Sea, considering the straits as international water in contrast with the new policy adopted by Kalistan. Despite Istalia recognized that Kalistan had infringed the Law of Sea, at the time Prime Minister Bashar Harari seems to accept certain rights claimed by Kalistan but above all he condemned the reaction by Dorvik and Lourenne, which had deployed military forces in the area, threatening the adoption of sanctions against all the involved parties in case of military escalation. The reaction by part of Dorvik was very hostile and criticisms by part of the foreign minister didn't spare what were considered as veritable insults against Istalia (so much that Emperor Alessandro II summoned the dorvish ambassador to demand explainations for the words used by the dorvish foreign minister). Dorvik accused the socialist Prime Minister Harari to express biased position and to be likely bought and sold by the radical, militant Socialist Party of Kalistan and that they likely used their influence with him to speak about the Istalian governments position on the matters. After Dorvik put Istalia in its red list of nations, justifying it pretending falsely that Istalia was engoulfed in political violence and clashes and was even on the verge of a civil war, a deep diplomatic chill fell between the two nations which in the following years became ever more estrained each other, further fueling a mistrust that Istalia has always had towards Dorvik and which in the past had already ignited many diplomatic tensions. The right-wing governments which followed the leftist ones of the time of Bashar Harari tried to mend the situation profiting of the request by part of Deltaria to put an end to the most harsh measures adopted with the Treaty of Romula at the end of the Deltarian-Coalition War, but mistrust and hostility by part of both the governments harmed such attempts.

At the end of the century, however, Istalia had to face a crisis much closer to it, exactly on its borders: the Majatran uprising against the long-lasting luthoranized and dundorfianized ruling minority and the following civil war unleashed a veritable refugees crisis for Istalia which saw thousands and thousands of solentians flying their country seeking shelter in Istalia. While the radicalization of positions in Solentia increased and the majatrans proceeded to oust the previous political establishment and to even purge the society from not majatran elements, radical ahmadism support began to grow to and this was perceived as a possible threat by part of the very secular leftist government of the time whose declarations unleashed the hatred of many ahmadi radicals in Solentia. Eventually Solentia fell into a civil war between ahmadi and socialist factions but Istalia decided to remain outside the fights focusing on the refugee crisis, mainly considering both the involved parties as too much radical and not suitable for a democratic future of Solentia, but also because there were the public opinion not at all willing to be directly involved and indeed another flooding of solentian refugees were causing further issues and discomfort between the population. Sure the tensions due to the conflict in Solentia and the refugees crisis pushed many Istalians to shift to more extremist positions and for some years several extremist parties, both from left and right, were established and became partner of the other major parties to form government coalitions. Among these new parties, several one emerged to be radical nationalist or openly fascist ones and this prompted a very unusual move by part of the Crown: Empress Michela I, in fact, on December 4720, summoned all the highest officials of the state to express the dismay and concerns by part of the Crown for the presence at the helm of the country of parties openly promoting the demolition of the democratic institutions in Istalia and the need to vigilate on their actions so that the democracy in Istalia could be protected. In the meantime, republican authorities in Trivendito proceeded with a very discussed regional referendum on the monarchy which however was welcomed with the greatest possible hostility by part of the central government, led by the rightist coalition of Prime minister Tranchina, which imposed to the local authorities to put an end to their claims.

The following years were heavily influenced and led by populist parties like the Populists and the party Order, Faith and Family and it was in this period that Populists' leader Messalina Sollecito was able to form her own political front, the Sollecito Bloc, in order to promote and defend the monarchy, contrast the leftist policies pushing for populist solutions which generated a decrease in support of leftist and republican positions. Despite Miss Sollecito and her party didn't achieved to consolidate their position as leading party of the country for a longest period, rightist and populist positions continued to spread into the country and their electoral support undermined the possibility of leftist party to form governments although winning pluralities while protests from progressist positions began to interest the major cities of the country on regular basis since the most rightist party at the time, Order, Faith and Family party, achieved to remove several legal protections on LGBT rights with the silent support of its coalition partner, the National Alliance of the Empire, which leader Mattia Negri, in order to govern, established an agreement with the far-right. This agreement however turned to be probably more convenient for the far-right and Negri himself finally fell after a serious electoral defeat. The tensions between the populist far-right and the left continued to increase until 4771 when the Left Blocist President of the Senate Azzara and its parliamentary group proceeded to approve a law barring local governments to apply forms of discrimination against LGBT community and immigrants, thus harming the possibility of OFF to adopt at the local level policies closer to their political positions. Tensions arose even between OFF and ANI and after that some local governors tried even to introduce regulations and laws contrasting the national institutions, eventually the Emperor Alessandro III Ghazi himself had to intervene with a public appeal to the nation and the political forces to try to appease the tensions although in general he remined to all political forces to act in order to think first of all to the well being of the country in respecting its Laws and citizens' rights.

In the meantime, about the foreign policy, Istalia focused in this period in increase the relations with its majatran partner and promoted new bilateral agreements as well as projects to be pursued on continental level with the regional partners, like the Southern Trans Majatran High Speed Railway, a high speed railway connecting from east to west Majatra through Istalia, Solentia, Kalopia, Jakania and Cobura. Istalia joined forces with Deltaria and Jakania also to develop and build a new multirole fighter. On the side of the economy, Istalia in the second half of 48th century was had great relations with Seleya and west Dovani and its companies were expanding in new markets with a growth in exports interesting particularly the industry of cars and airplanes. Very active was also the financial sector, trained by the activity of the Istalian Strategic Investment Funds that undertook a veritable campaign of investments in Majatra and Artania companies.

WIP

After 4862 the powers of the Emperor were held by a Representative of the Emperor, and in 4892 Istalia officially became a Semipresidential Republic, marking the end of the imperial era.

Quanzar and Alaria[]

The republic proved to be a chaotic regime and incapable of stemming the rise of various far-right parties. When the government collapsed at the end of 5003, a military coup was organized and Istalia was brought under a military dictatorship led by Generalissimo Tommaso Tivoli. Democratic opposition to the military dictatorship was led by separatist movements, and in 5032, seeking to avoid a bloody civil war, the military junta resigned. The democratic opposition proceeded to reform the nation and declared the independence of Quanzar and Alaria, which later, in 5034, formed the Union of Quanzar and Alaria.

Third Istalian Empire[]

In 5103 the union of Quanzar and Alaria became the Third Istalian Empire.

Istalia articles
History of Istalia Ancient history: Qolshamih (City) | Kingdom of Qolshamih | Selucian Colonization | Kingdom of Kerron | Post-Classical period
Medieval history: Early Middle ages | Augustan Empire | Kingdom of Nicoma | Late Middle ages | Ahmadi Caliphate
Modern history: Kingdom of Alaria | Kingdom of Fidelia | Unification attempts | Empire of Quanzar | Kingdom of Istalia
Contemporary history: Emirate of Quanzar | Union of Quanzari Soviets | Rise of the Istalians | Quanzarian Republic | First Istalian Republic | Royal Union of Quanzar | Second Istalian Republic | Kingdom of Quanzar | Third Istalian Republic | Southern Majatran Union and Kingdom of Quanzar | Old Fourth Istalian Empire | Istalian Civil War, 4044–4045 | New Fourth Istalian Empire | Istalian Thallerist Regime | Istalian War against the Thallerist Revolution | Fifth Istalian Republic | First Istalian Empire | Sixth Istalian Republic | Union of Quanzar and Alaria | Second Istalian Empire | Istalian Union of Quanzar and Alaria | Third Istalian Empire
Geography of Istalia Sarrentina Peninsula | Alaria | Climate | Mountains (Nayar Range, Alkhayl Mountains) | Rivers | Lakes | Cities of Istalia
Administrative divisions Federal communities of Istalia | Regions of Istalia
Fidelia | Ferano | Trivendito | Nicoma | Cisavugli
Demographics Ethnic groups: Istalians | Majatrans
Istalian sub-groups: Sarrentini | Alarians
Languages: Istalian | Estalian languages (Cisavuglian, Feranese, Fidelian, Nicomese, Trivenditan) | Majatran
Religions: Aurorian Hosianism | Israi Ahmadism
Culture of Istalia Culture of Istalia | Culture of Sarrentini | Culture of Alarians | National symbols | Flags of Istalia
Government and politics of Istalia Constitution | Emperor (List) | Prime Minister (List) | Council of Ministers | Parliament | Judiciary | Political parties | Governmental agencies and public services in Istalia | Law enforcement in Istalia
Defense and Intelligence Armed Forces of Istalia (Istalian Army, Istalian Navy, Istalian Air Force, Imperial Gendarmerie) | Ranks, insignia and uniforms of the Armed Forces of Istalia | Imperial Services for Security and Intelligence | Imperial Agency for External Defense and Intelligence | Imperial Agency for Internal Security
Economy of Istalia Corporations in Istalia | Enist | Leonardi | HAWS | Hasan-Mariani Holding & Investement Group | Estal | Ajace Aeronautics | IstalAir | Oliverdi | OTO Al-Mehara Armamenti | PMI Media Group | Umana Servizi | Spada S.p.A. | MajAir | Farilla |
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