Quanzar and Alaria is the home of some of the most ancient civilizations of Majatra.
For most of its pre-modern history, Quanzar and Alaria were ruled by different polities and thus had distinct national histories. For many centuries the name of the entire nation was Quanzar, derived from the House of Quanzar, the royal house of the Ahmadi Emirate established on the peninsula. The Quanzari dominion was so prolonged and influential that the concept of an Istalian people emerged only under Quanzari dominion in the island of Alaria , at the time known under the Majatran-Selucian name of Estalia (The Land of the east, a name indicated its position as the easternmost land of Majatra), where the Kingdom of Estalia, later known as the Kingdom of Istalia, emerged out of the Medieval Selucian-Nicoman culture of the island.
- 1 Prehistory and the Archaic Period
- 2 The Pre-Classical Period, 742 BCE-590 BCE
- 3 The Classical Period, 590 BCE-123 CE
- 4 The Post-Classical Period, 263 CE - 512 CE
- 5 The Early Medieval Period, 512-1100 CE
- 6 The Late Medieval Period, 1000-1250
- 7 The Ahmadi Caliphate
- 8 The fall of the Caliphate
- 9 Unification attempts
- 10 The Empire of Quanzar
- 11 The Kingdom of Istalia
- 12 Emirate of Quanzar
- 13 The fall of the Kingdom of Istalia
- 14 The collapse of the Emirate
- 15 The Union of Quanzari Soviets
- 16 The rise of Istalians
- 17 The First Republic
- 18 The Royal Union and the Holy Empire of Quanzar
- 19 Second Republic
- 20 The Second Quanzari Restoration
- 21 Third Republic
- 22 The Third Quanzari Restoration
- 23 The Fourth Republic
- 23.1 The Old Fourth Republic
- 23.2 The New Fourth Republic
- 23.2.1 Istalia as Great Power in 43rd century
- 23.2.2 The 44th century
- 23.2.3 45th Century
- 23.2.4 46th Century
- 24 The Fifth Republic
- 25 The Istalian Empire
- 26 Quanzar and Alaria
Prehistory and the Archaic Period
Historians find evidence of habitation of the region from as early as 4000 BCE. A hunter-gatherer neolithic civilation known as the Araghe inhabited the south of the Alaria island and produced fantastic cave paintings and stone tools until c. 3500, when a rapid cooling trend drove the herds of wild game north. Agriculture came to the island with immigrants from the mainland in 2000; several distinct new cultures flourished on the island throughout the first half of the second millennium. By 1200, a form of logographic writing was used across the island to represent various dialects of the Alarian language, which is an isolate, unrelated to any known languages. In the South, the rich soils of Nicoma supported tremendous growth, and some of the largest cities in eastern Majatra, some with nearly 50,000 inhabitants, dominated the culture and politics of the island. These city-states were ruled by councils of the landed elite, on whose vast holdings most of the population lived and worked as tenant farmers. In northern Alaria, where the climate is drier and more mountainous, small cities emerged side-by-side nomadic pastoral tribes. The cities were ruled by kings and often grouped into regional defensive alliances. By 800, these alliances had transformed into petty kingdoms, and so centralization was accelerated in the north. By 650, most of the North was under the tenuous sway of the kings of Sokyill. The unified north then began a long and violent expansion south, into the rich cities of Nicoma.
On the mainland, Ingris and southern Pheykran remained occupied for centuries by semi-sedentary people from the earliest recorded history. They wrote another language unrelated to any known languages in native script, preserved mostly on large monolithic monuments. In northern Pheykran and Therak, agriculture was established by 2500 BCE along the rivers Dannis and Yohrail and various smaller tributaries by the newly arived Qedarites, who moved into the region as part of the Qedarite Migrations. The mountainous and rugged terrain created a patchwork of isolated and fiercely independent states, most of which were ruled by warlords and autocrats who lived in palace-fortifications that were the center of the local economies. These people spoke a Qedarite language close to the one of their southern neighbors, a language known as Therakan, but this language was more influenced by northern languages rather than the southern branch; unlike those in the south, the northerners wrote their language in the Alarian script, imported through trade with the island. By 850 BCE, parallel to the developments in northern Alaria, Qolshamih, the southernmost of the city-states, rose to power. Located in the southern region of Fidelia on the banks of the river Sallar (known today as Sala), Qolshamih consolidated its power over the entire North, also spreading the rule of the native dynasty along the coastal regions of Ingris, where marginal agriculture and fishing supported small towns.
The Pre-Classical Period, 742 BCE-590 BCE
Consolidation of the Kingdom of Qolshamih, 742 BCE-664 BCE
742 BCE marks the beginning of the Classical Period. By now, the entirety of the mainland, save the desert wastes controlled by nomadic people, was under the sway of Qolshamih. The defining event, however, was the capture of the city of Lombash by the armies of the king Hanggadhe of Sokyill. The last obstacle to a united Alaria, the fall of Lombash marked the definitive beginning of a power struggle between the island and the mainland. The new-found unity allowed for and required the creation of efficient bureaucracies and internal pacification. The Kingdoms of Qolshamih and Sokyill each fostered economic and cultural growth within their respective territories. While the arts of architecture and literature flourished, so too did the art of war. After an initial period of mutual wariness, the two kingdoms realized the inevitable power struggle that loomed large on the horizon. In 695, the King (the "Sharru") Malkkart of Qolshamih dispatched an expeditionary force from his harbors in southern Therak to aid a rebellion of subjected cities in Nicoma against Sokyill. The rebellion succeeded in capturing all of southern Nicoma before the armies of Sokyill crushed it with devastating cruelty. Nicoma's great cities, spared during the first conquest, were looted and pillaged for all material wealth. Lombash and Pakhne, two of the largest urban centers in Alaria at the time, were reduced to dust.
Reversal and Prolonged Conflict, 682 BCE-598 BCE
Thanks to the victory in the south the rulers of Sokyill avoided other rebellions for almost half century. Meanwhile, they sent retaliatory raids against the ports ruled by Qolshamih, effectively destroying that kingdom's nascent naval power. Until 670 BCE, Sokyill made headway against the kings of Qolshamih, effectively asserting its suzerainty over the coastal mainland and sending expeditions deep into the center of the Kingdom. But in this year, a palace coup overthrew the old dynasty of Qolshamih and established a new line descended from the lords of northern Pheykran. The new dynasty reorganized the failing bureaucracy and instituted much needed social, economic, and political reforms. In 648, the second King of this new dynasty, Mar-Ili III, retook that last of the Sokyillan fortresses on the mainland. With its territory secured, the reformed Kingdom furthered internal reform, consolidating central authority and wiping out several claimants to the throne.
In Sokyill, the opposite political process was underway. The loss of the mainland holdings fell harshly upon the subjected southern cities, which had provided most of the troop levies, and the prospect of continued war with Qolshamih drove them to disaffection. The war turned to naval conflict and expeditionary skirmishes by 632, and a stalemate developed over the course of the following decade that severely strained the bonds of vassalship that bound the kingdom of Sokyill together. Several small rebellions failed in the 520s, but in 598 BCE, the south rebelled in unison, defeating the royal armies and capturing most of the royal family during a surprise raid on the capital. The southern cities were not politically united, and their attempt to take the remainder of the royal territories in Kisuwali led to other skermish and war among them which depopulated the island and fragmented even more the communities favoring the next conquest by Qolshamih and also the establishment of the first selucian colonies.
The First Conquest 598 BCE-590 BCE
As part of a broader policy of securing trade routes against piracy and enemy navies, Qolshamih established several forts and captured coastal cities in western Alaria in the year immediately following the fall of Sokyill. These military actions soon expanded, and by 596, royal armies had taken much of western Nicoma. Justifying further expansion on the ground of aiding tributary cities in the south, the King of Qolshamih then took all of the city states in 595 and 594 BCE. Disunited Alarian military power paled next to the professional and institutionalized armies of the mainland. In 593, the southern plains of Kisuwali fell to the crown. The following three years were spent in a grueling campaign to conquer the northern plateau and mountain passes. And so, by August of 590, the King of Qolshamih could claim to be, among other titles applicable to the mainland, the "Lord of the Lands Beyond the Channel, Lord Protector of Lombash, Isiall, Maktar, Toltor, and Bagh, Arch-Regent of Pali, Eshhar, Mag, and Bolan (i.e. the southern Nicomese cities) King of Ephrai and Salajf, King of the Realms of Shayid, King of the lands formerly comprising Sokyill, and Supreme Arbiter of Justice over all Alaria."
The Classical Period, 590 BCE-123 CE
The Selucian Colonization
Contemporary to the triumph of Qolshamih, came on the eastern shore of Alaria some ships from Selucia, at the time at the high of its colonization period and yet in 587 was founded the first selucian colony, Agirgentum. In 574 was founded Siracum Major, today known as Saragnel, and in 569 Aristium, the first colony in Nicoma, was founded. The Selucians were well known as a people of merchants, but their military preparation and capabilities, necessary for Selucia to maintain the control on its colonies and to the latter to establish their control on the colonized territories, should not be underestimated. In the south some of Nicoma's eastern communities tried unsuccessfully to expel the newcomers. In Qolshamih the monarchs were at first concerned with the selucian colonies and there were many who called for an expedition to destroy the invader cities. But quickly the kings of Qolshamih as well as the merchant caste, whose power and wealth had grown as a result of peace on the mainland and island, realized the profitability of trade with the colonies. For this reason King Muhaasti I reached an agreement with the Selucian colonists in 534, granting them the freedom to live and found cities in the Kingdom in exchange for their recognition of the King of Qolshamih as the rulers of the Kingdom of the Mainland and Island, begining a peaceful and fruitful coexistence.
List of the original Selucian colonies
- Siracum Major
- Palatio Regium
- Calidum Castrum
- Caesar Rex
- Lucio Barris Castrum
- Ulbiano Pollux Colonia
- Orientis Colonia
- Tria Flumina
All the subsequent Selucian colonies founded in Quanzar and Alaria were colonies of the above colonies.
The Rise of the Kingdom of Kerron, 590 BCE-365 BCE
The unification of most of modern day Istalia under the rule of Qolshamih and the contact with the sophisticated and cosmopolitan Selucian civilization allowed for a flourishing of culture and science over the next three hundred years. With few external threats, internal development and progress became the focus of the royal governments. In 545, a new capital, Tuffad, was founded on the slope of the nowday called Massif of Tuffad, a rocky mountain laying between the Nomads Lake, the Inferior Lake and the Sovereign Lake. With this move, the Kingdom became known by the name of the dynasty, Kerron, rather than its original capital. The Karronian state was highly centralized and contained well-trained and extensive bureaucracy that had numerous internal anti-corruption mechanisms; this, combined with a culture that absolutely despised theft and lawlessness, created a system of administration that was remarkably efficient and interested in the common welfare.
The primary martial concern of the period was the conquest of the central desert in Ingris and Pheykran. Here, new militant nomads had overrun their more peaceful predecessors nearly a century before. They spoke a Quedarite language, it is suspected a penetration from the north through the pass on the northern Alkhayl chain, and were desirous of the riches of the northern plain. Four decades of wetter-than-usual conditions in the arid wastes nurtured their numbers to the point that the desert could no longer sustain them and made expansion north not only a desire, but a necessity of survival, given the fact that they were surrouded by mountains on the other sides. Raids against the marginal farm lands in southern Pheykran first occurred in 520 and gradually increased in violence and severity until in 515 the Karronian king sent a small army west to deal with the problem. New fortresses were built, but, faced with greater obstacles to survival, the tribes sent forth much vaster forces against the fresh defenses. The palisades fell quickly, and soon the whole of southern Pheykran was overrun by the so-called "tribes of Ayadd". The king met the disaster with resolution, and the best of the royal military might swiftly brought the region back into Karronian control. They heavily fortified the border region and sent expeditions into the heart of the desert, contributing to some of the first maps of the central wastes. The local governor hired native nomadic mercenaries to fight the Ayaddans on their own turf, but the attempt at an offensive war were largely fruitless. So long as the dynasty remained strong, its military was aptly able to defend the frontiers from the Ayaddan menace; raids continued intermittently throughout the kingdom's later history, but only in the last several decades did they spell real trouble.
During the apogee of the Karronian Kingdom the exchanges with the Selucian increase even more and quickly the élite of the kingdom begin to be heavily influenced by the selucians which "imported" in this land also their language: in fact in the kingdom were spoken different languages, primary the Alarian dialects and the mainland dialects.
The Alarians were always very reluctant to adopt the language of the conquerors and also in the mainland the dialects difference were considerable.
The merchants so quickly starts to speak in selucians to conduct their affairs and the selucians begins in thia way to penetrate and influence the Alorian and Sarrentian people (the peoples of the mainland).
During this period the contact between the selucian art and the Qolshamit art bring to the creation of a syncretic form of art which present elements from both the culture and among the most important examples of this mixed art there are the ruins of Tuffad, second capital of the Kingdom of Qolshamih.
Apogee, 365 BCE-123 CE
The kingdom entered in its golden age in the middle of fourth century. A series of brilliant monarchs secured domestic prosperity and foreign tranquility. Diplomats were sent to the far reaches of Majatra and beyond, and colonies were founded across the southern coasts of the peninsula.
The king under who the kingdom reached its hight was Alsemet the Great. He is remembered among others for habing brought the capital back to Qolshamih and for his love for Selucian culture (he built the Anphitheater of Qolshamih, the beggest of the southern Majatra) which during the centuries of penetration into the Estalian lands made evolve the local Qolshamin culture into a successful syncretic one.
At the death of great King in 139 BCE, his son Asergete I, raised into the syncretic Kerronian-selucian court of his father and tutored by selucian and kalopian scholars, divinized Alsamet declaring the foundation of a new dynasty, the Alsamite Dynasty, which ruled until the fall of the Kingdom.
The Alsamite era is considered the golden age of the Kingdom of Qolshamish, or Kingdom of Kerron or Kerronian Kingdom. Under the Alsamite Kings all the mainland and the island were definitively pacified and all over the Kingdom new roads and cities were founded, the countryside was highly anthropized favoring the explosion of agriculture and breeding, the mineral resources were increasingly exploited and the manufacturing arts in the cities reached rare levels of exquisiteness.
The Therrak and the Qolshamin languages instead began to fall into disuse progressively along with their alphabet in favor of the Selucian language. The Therrak one continued to be used until the Hosian era, as Late Therrak, but exclusively as liturgical language of the ancient cults of Qolshamih, which religion too became a syncretic faith which worship adored the ancient gods of Qolshamih alongside the new Selucian ones (or divinities of the two pantheons were united in a single figure).
During the third century the Kingdom expanded its borders to the north in the current southern and eastern Solentia, increasing the relations and the exchanges with the Selucian colonies and with the Kalopian civilization. At the time, the Kingdom had to face the expansion of the Qedarite empire which was progressively submitting the Selucian and kalopian colonies. Three wars were fought between Qolshamih and the Qedarites which saw the former succeed in containing the latter and maintaining its independence and influence in eastern Majatra.
Alsamet IV was the King who achieved to defeat the Qedarite fleets and to definitively secure the borders of the Kingdom thanks to the formation of a powerful and advanced Navy. To do so Alsamet IV took advantage of the maritime experience of the Selucians of the colonies incorporated in the Kingdom: in exchange for these services the Alsamiti kings recognized great privileges and a certain degree of autonomy to the Selucian colonies, among which the right to found new colonies on the peninsula and abroad.
The Kingdom of Kerron (at the beginning of the Hosian era often called in Selucian Regnum Kerronei and Regnum Colsamiae) continued to flurish in the following centuries until the 2nd century of the Hosian era granting stability and growth for this ancient civilization. The Alsamite era, thus, was a stable and successful period for the Kingdom which was perturbed just three times by dynastic contrasts which led to brief wars of succession which however didn't undermine the glorious days of the Qolshamites.
Decadence and Fall, 123 CE-263CE
The death of Ariarate II in 123 CE is considered the the begining of the decadence for the Kingdom of Kerron. In fact a terrible plague hit the kingdom and a general economic downturn caused an hyperinflation.
The bad policies of the Asergete VI, successor of Ariarate, to face the crisis led to a marked reversal in the fortunes of the previous centuries. Matters became worse after his death. The integrity and professionalism of the bureaucracy and administration was compromised by a growing culture of graft and extortion, and the court increasingly neglected the matters of state and turned to vacuous pleasures instead. As a result of the court's impotence, the Master of Arms, the King's traditional chief military advisor, became de facto ruler, but the need to fund court extravagances and secure military loyalty with gold weakened the treasury. Civil chaos spread further in the first two decades of the third century when civil war broke out between two puppet kings and their respective Masters of Arms. Civil wars, as always about succession, had occurred four times before in Karronian history, but they were always brief and relatively light. This war, however, was intensified by the underlying societal and political instability. By its end in 171, both of the original royal claimants were dead, and the victorious Master at Arms Suhar-Shin selected a new puppet king just as a courtesy to tradition.
The weakened state, which boiled over into civil conflict between rival generals almost every five years, was unable to secure the frontiers. After nearly three hundred years of confinement to the desert, the Ayaddans trickled forth into southern Pheykran beginning of the following century. After several attempts failed to dislodge them, the rulers, returned in the more safe Tuffad, granted them the status of vassal state, a caretaker nation within the royal fold. This first wave partially settled into an agrarian life, but another, more aggressive coalition of tribes related to the Ayyadans, who were called in fact northen Ayaddans, moved into the region from the north in 205 as result of a wider migratory wave which began at the end of the first century as result of the Jelbo-Tukaric Invasion.
The displaced tribes pushed south in that year but were halted, first by force and then with bribes, but the peace was only temporary. Other nomads then moved to the south, and by 230, they had settled over all of the north-western half of the kingdom. The commanders in Tuffad allowed this obvious breech of the kingdom's territorial integrity in order to prevent a costly outright war. In 238, a last of the royal armies were crushed when they tried to reclaim part of northern Pheykran. For the next six years, the tribes stopped expanding as a chieftain named Harun conquered his rivals.
By 252, he had succeeded in dominating all of the tribes residing in royal territory, and so he marched through southern and eastern Karronia to finalize his dominion. On the pretense of being the new Master of Arms in the service of the ineffectual King in Tuffad, when the capital itself was finally captured in 259, the King was kept alive as a captive icon of continuity with the old order. However, this pretense was dropped in 263 after the King Alsamet IX attempted to invite northern mercenaries from Solentia to invade and drive off the Ayyadans. The monarch himself and all of his line was killed off, thereby ending the Kingdom of Karron.
The Post-Classical Period, 263 CE - 512 CE
In the aftermath of the fall of the Karron Kingdom, the island of Alaria, which was never invaded by the Majatran tribes from the north, became fully Selucianized and developed separately from the mainland during this period, charaterized by the formation of the Legue of the Eastern colonies (this period marks the first known use of the name Estalia). Three city state, increasing thier power and extending their control on large areas, based on old administrative boundaries of the Karronian provinces, emerged after the fall of the Alsamite Dynasty. In the south, the Kingdom of Nicoma was reconstituited by a Selucian-Nicoman junior branch of the House of Karron. In Kisawuli, the Republic of Barramentum ruled the east and the Free City of Palernium ruled the west. The almost ruined city of Sokyill together with several small cities in the isolated mountain were the only places where the old Alarian language and culture were preserved for some time.
Harun's rule was tenuous, and within a decade of his ascension to the kingship of Ayadda, which he had claimed for himself in 264, the entire domain was split between rival petty lords and weak dynasts in constant fight against each other.
During this period of anarchy the Qolshamin and Ayaddan culture began to disappear, although the former was already heavily Selucianized, while the new cultural and political environment became definitively dominated by the Selucian influences from the colonies which during this period arise became the more powerful and floreshing communities extending their control on the eastern shore of the mainland.
In the inner part the most powerful of the natives had fortified themselves into rural estates as early as 350, but as the tribes settled, the old and new peoples mixed both politically and genetically, eventually becoming indistinguishable except in the mountainous north, where most were purely Karronian, and in the souther highland, where most were purely Ayaddan, but in general both cultures started a decline in favour of the Selucianized culture.
The fragmentation on the mainland, devoid of cultural and scientific progress, favoring even more the subjugation to Selucian culture, continued for nearly two hundred years. However, important social and political developments did occur during this period. Following the chaos left behind by the Ayaddan invasion, the realm was divided into hundreds of small domains, known as dukedoms, from the Selucian Dux, a military rank, which for a time were self-governing.
However, over the course of these centuries, a process of consolidation came to fruition by which lordships were organized under the rule of local dukes; thus, the number of sovereign states fell from many hundreds to only approximately twenty-three by 450 CE.
Socially, in the innerland the Feudal system was the norm until centralization accelerated in the 6th century, while on the cost and in Alaria the merchant Selucian city-states developed in form of aristocratic republic.
In this period the Selucian religion took root over manies dukedom and became strong in north Therak, in western Pheykran, and along the rivers that flow through southern Ingris.
The peninsula and the island were among the last areas outside Selucia where the Selucian religion was able to survive in the following century until the arrival of the Hosianism. The first Hosian church in Quanzar and Alaria was the chapel of the castle of a lord named Teofilactus, later known as Theophylact the Pious, a rich landlord who ruled on the lands of ancient Qolshamih. The Archbasilica of St. Matthias the Baptist to the Walls, current seat of the Patriarch of Istalia, Solentia, and Quanzar, was built right beside the oldest chapel.
The Southern Region
After the tribal invasions in the second century BCE and the came of another plague, most part of the city of the South fell in decadence and many group retourned to a nomadic or semi-nomadic life.This pushed many Selucian city states to expand into the south to respond to an overpopulation of their city, in bloom in this period of decadence for the ancient ethnic groups. The conquest essentially led to the North and South, several cities were founded in the first century CE along the rivers that flow through southern Pheykran and along the coast of Ingris, northern goods became more prevalent in the region where the ancient languages were almost completely replaced by Selucian. The ancient Kerronian religion was almost nearly defunct by 200 CE, while the Selucian religion continued to build important shrines in some of the new cities, among them Neapolis and Portus Angonium.
The Early Medieval Period, 512-1100 CE
The Augustan dominion, 503-640
In 503 CE the Augustan armies, after having subbued most of Majatra, finally arrived on the peninsula, and after a brief war, thanks to the fragmentation of poweron the mainland, the Augustans established their rule. Under Augustan domination the peninsula acquired the name Sarrentina Peninsula, after the name of a fortified city on the mountain pass between the Nayar range and the northern Alkayil massif.
Given the fact that the Augustan Empire claimed its ultimate origin from a Selucian city state and as the native language of the Augustan ruling class was Selucian, the Selucian language became the most widely spoken language on the peninsula, while in 509, after the adoption of Hosianism by the Augustan Empire, the new religion began to penetrate in the area, quickly becoming the dominant faith. In Alaria the Selucian religion survived for longer, but there too Hosianism slowly started spreading.
Augustan rule lasted until the centuries when, given the weakening of the Augustan Empire due the Tokundian invasion, the periferic dominions claimed increasingly more power, and already in the seventh century seven kingdoms, formed by the traditional dynastic leaders of the seven previous Augustan provinces, became autonomous as vassals of the Augustans.
Seven Kingdoms, 640-880
Alashad of Milos Domina, lord of the northwestern Sarrentine city and general of the Augustan armies in the peninsula, was the most powerful of the seven lords who arose during the later Augustan rule on the mainland and managed to maintain most of the peninsula under the Augustan empire. After his death in 640 the disintegration of power increased over the years, and one by one the seven kingdoms which ruled over Sarrentia and Solentia gained their independence and began cometing with each other for control over the peninsula.
The first kingdom to increase its power was the Therakan-speaking Khalid dynasty in the far north of the peninsula, whose territory extended into Solentia and who declared themselves Sharru in the Old Therakan language.
In northern Pheykran three new powerful kingdoms emerged within three decades after the death of Alashad. They were the modern cites of Villaneddìa, Padua, and Veddilurmu. All three were major merchant powers and elective monarchies, and together they were known as the three cities of the sales, from which comes the modern name of Therak, Trivendito. In these cities the kings were elected by the merchant nobility, but in the other kingdoms the new political system consisted of a monarch ruling over a landed nobility, from whom the state levied armies. By 640 there were now seven traditional thrones in Sarrentia and Solentia: the isolated mountain Kingdom of Kalid-Therah in northern Therak; Palsikon and Marratu in the plains of Solentia; the Kingdoms of Tulino in Ferano, Accaria in southern Therak and the powerful maritime kingdoms of Neapulia and Faro in southern and eastern Fidelia.
The following centuries were no less chaotic in terms of war, however. Once the cultural and economic means to establish Kingship emerged, any powerful noble with ambition and a familial tie to one of the ruling dynasties could seize power for himself. Lordships shifted from one Kingdom to another frequently, but the major conflict was between the alliance of north, formed by the Kingdoms of Kalid-Therah and the solentian Palsikon and Marratu against the kingdoms of Accaria and Faro. Neapulia was indideed more attracted by the trade through the sea and often was able to pay the other powers to assure its security, and by 750 it conquered the kingdom of Faro.
This is not to suggest that the battle lines were always so clear. Especially in the 6th and early 7th centuries, when the borders of the Kingdoms were less fixed and brute force could carve out a Crown, the alliances between the kingdoms changed suddenly and often the kingdoms came to collaborate in power-plays against those were already already allies in the pursuit of power. By the 8th century, Faro was no more and each of the six Kingdoms had established houses which through political marriage came to began a period of peace. In the 9th century the Solentian kingdoms were unified under of the Pentarchy, an alliance of five kingdoms, while in the south, in the Sarrentina Peninsula, four kingdoms arose, each of which sought a unified and centralized homeland, a place without the threat of petty civil conflict that had racked the land during the great fighting period started after the death of Alashad.
Post Augustan dominion
Four Kingdoms, 880-1100
In 880, through personal unions and the mixing of bloodlines, there were four Kingdoms on the mainland: Trivendito (formerly Khalid-Therah which assumed the name of the region) in the north-east, Tulino in the west, and Accaria and Neapulia in Fidelia. Of these, Trivendito and Tulino were the most influenced by Augustan and later Tokundian culture, while Accaria and Neapulia were most influenced by the native Selucian legacy. The new powers were no longer composed of bitter rival Lordships but they were unified Kingdoms with centralized bureaucracies capable of trading with the rest of Majatran to enrich themselves.
The Island Principalities and Nicoma, 640-1000
Alaria, when the Augustan Empire last its control on the easternmost lands of Majatra, was the first region in the area to gain its independence at the end of 7th century. After the withdrawal of the Augustan armies and officials, the island was divided in several principalities but quickly, like in the mainland, a process of consolidation was taking place during the Medieval Period. The Kingdom of Nicoma, ruled by the House of Nacosia, descendant from an ancient Selucian aristrocratic noble family which subjugated the city and the the surrounding area, managed to assert its dominance over the whole of the island by 700 (although the last indipendent principality was subjugated only in the 10th century).
The Hosian faith was imposed on the natives of what was formerly Lepprios and Sahan, and the ancient Alarian language survived only in isolated pockets, replaced by the Selucian language. The Nicoman Monarchy on Alaria was different from that on the mainland. Because the region enjoyed much more prosperity and continuous centralization, the ancient selucian colonies, the various noble families and the merchant nobility were reduced earlier than on the mainland; the centralized state was able to survive through taxation of the all-important trade and through a policy aimed to streghten the relations with the other former Selucian colonies. Militarily, the major concern was the suppression of rebellion in the recently conquered Northern inland and the maintenance of an army to protect shipping.
By 1040 the monarchy in Alaria had undergone a political paradigm shift. Until this revolution, the Kings had turned their resources toward the expansion of the kingdom's influence on the mainland and the promotion of trading interests. Monarchs relied on the services of the weakened but proud hereditary nobility, both landed elite and mercantile magnates, to run his military operations and administer local government. Over the course of the early 11th century, two Kings, Aculio and Sidanio, created a new caste of palace officials, courtiers, and agents of royal power who became the gears of a centralized and professional meritocratic bureaucracy, the members of which were selected from birth for their positions and who owed everything to the royal family.
The opulence of the kingdom in this period led to increased Alarian influence over the politics on the mainland. The new bureaucracy was both a tool and a burden, for each new King needed to prove his ability to the vastly enlarged armies and the local administrators through victory in conflict conducted against the mainland kingdoms.
The Late Medieval Period, 1000-1250
During this period among the four kingdoms on the mainland, Tulino was able to increase even more its power and prestige at the expense of the others. Bathed in the streams of global trade and blessed with a continual line of suitable male heirs, the realm progressed continuously and steadily over the plain of Trivendito and finally crushing the last King of the northern kingdom in 1009. When Trivendito did finally fall, it was only a matter of years before the kings submitted to the Monarch who reigned in Tulino; then began the long war in the North against the Pentarchy. Throughout the 11th century, repeated expeditions from the South pummeled the fortresses in Sarrentia, remained in the hand of the Solentians, and reached deep into the rugged valleys and cold meadows of the North. Slowly, they wore into the very fiber of the place, until, in 1100, the Prince Lastor of Palsikom concluded a peace with Tulino, essentially becoming a tributary state, a mere vassal in the broad hegemony of the Estalian realm, which established officialy what became the modernday borders of Istalia.
However, regarding the internal organization, the Alarian model was not followed on the mainland: to control the aristocrats, the heads and heirs of each household were confined to the capital in Tulino, where the King kept them in virtual captivity. Here, they acted as bureaucrats and servants to the King whilst being kept sated with lavish gifts. The aristocracy elsewhere were left in charge of regional affairs, and they stubbornly resisted the monarchs' attempts to replace them with royal officials. In spite of the presence of the hostages in Tulino, the Kings were not really able to unseat the hereditary rights of the ancient dukes, for they still held the loyalty and respect of the local peoples. That is, the concept of nationhood had never taken hold on the mainland to the same extent as in Alaria, and if one were to ask a peasant in Trivendito who is master was, he would name one of the hostage dukes in Tulino, not the King. For this reason a unified national identify of both the mainland and the island, only emerged much later under the umbrella of Istalian nationalism. However, political unity in both the mainland and the island brought about a flourishing of arts, culture, and science.
The Ahmadi Caliphate
In this period Quanzar and Alaria was affected by great event of the period which involved all Majatra: from Barmenistan the power of the new Ahmadi religion was rising, and in the thirteenth century it reached Badara and Kafuristan lead by the profet Ahmad and then organized under the Caliphate. The Caliphate continued its conquest in the name of the new religion but already since the first years its organization was that of a decentralized empire with the local warlords charged to spread the faith and conquer new lands.
In 1225 the Caliphate armies passed the Nayar while its fleets debarked on the eastern shores beginning a conquest campaign which managed to subjugate all the dukes and kingdoms: many of them in fact, profited to rise in arms against the power of Tulino and made act of submission to the new conquers but there were as many who tried to resist, among them notable was the resistance of the Dukedom of Verunia, last free city of the falling Kingdom of Trivendito, which fell after a prolonged siege. In 1245 the Ahmadi fleets also defeated the naval forces of the Kingdom of Nicoma and finaly all the Sarrentine and Alarian lands were conquered by the Caliphate.
The fall of the Caliphate
However, despite the conquest, the Caliphate was never a centralized unitary state, but a collection of loosely-linked quasi-independent feudal states, all owing their allegiance to the Caliph, as the successor and representative of Ahmad. This allowed Sarrentine and Alarian forces to continue fighting against the local vassals of the Caliph and in the second half of the fifteenth century, just after the apogee of the Caliphate, first Alaria then some principalities on the mainland were able to regain their independence, taking advantage of the rapid collapse of the central authority of the Caliphate.
By 1500 the Kingdoms and principalities in Sarrentia and Alaria were once again independent, and like in other parts of Majatra Hosian dynasties regained power and began expeling the Ahmadi nobility from their lands. Among the newly independent four kingdoms, the Kingdom of Fidelia was the strongest and most stable, having suffered comparatively little under Caliphate rule. In the 17th century the kings of Fidelia progressively extendend their influence over the entire peninsula and introduced a number of reforms aimed at modernizing and centralizing the kingdom's administration, reforms which were implemented in the other kingdoms as well.
Between 1554 and 1591 the four kingdoms fought the Sarrentine Wars, a series of conflicts as a result of which Fidelia incorporated the Kingdom of Accaria, whose capital was completely destroyed, with the survivors fleeing to Tulino, and annexed large territories in the north reducing the other two kingdoms to the status of vassals and tributaries.
In 1612, Anna of Fidelia, the daughter of King Balduino I, married Alexander Duke of Argintera, brother of King Francesco Gabriele IV of Alaria who at the time had not heirs. Balduino, in fact, hoped for the passage of the Alarian Crown to the brother of Francesco Gabriele and thus for the possible unification of the two royal families, forecasting the future unification of the island and peninsula. The son of Balduino I, Deodato II, started a great building project in Romula, aiming to move the kingdom's Capital to the city and in fact in 1640 he commissioned the Quattroregni Palace which had to become the future royal residence. Fidelia's kings however never succeeded in their goals due to arrival of the Quanzar conquerors.
The Empire of Quanzar
As Sarrentia and Alaria were consolidated under the rule of two kingdoms who were contemplating unification, a new threat emerged in the east. The restoration of Hosian rule in Sarrentia and Alaria was particularly violent, and this gave the Qansar Emirs, the Ahmadi warlords who had recently conquered all of Solentia, Kafuristan, and Kalopia, the excuse to launch a series of raids in Sarrentia, nominally with the goal of defending the Ahmadi faithful, but ultimately aiming to test the defenses of the kingdom of Fidelia, attracted by the land of the peninsula.
The Qansar Emirate took advantage of a rebellion that broke out in 1650 against the power of Fidelia in Ferano, a territory rich of raw materials. The rebels established an independent kingdom with Qansar support, and the fledgling kingdom hadthe capability of supporting a strong economy and a flourishing society, although it was very poor at the beginning. Things started out well however for the newborn kingdom, while the Kingdom of Fidelia, now cut off from the rest of Majatra by the Emirate, faced trouble struggling to maintain economical growth and avoid a depression, as the government had maintained throughout years of well-being very lax economical policies focused on consolidating its rule on the peninsula and defending it from the Emirate.
Begining a long war with the Kingdom of Fidelia, the Quanzars continued their offensive campaign, and after over a century of struggle, the forces of the Emirate, led by the Emir Harun ibn Ahmad, took in 1771 the entire control of the peninsula, with the decisive battle at the gates of Reggio in Ingris in which the armies of Fidelia were totally defeated, allowing the armies of the Emirate armies to sack the city of Fidelia, which was totally destroyed. The survivers fled the country and many sought refuge in the Kingdom of Alaria, which accepted them. Due to the rising sentiment a lost fatherland to be retaken from the barbaric Ahmadi invader, the Alarian King Francesco III Iron hand officially renamed the kingdom as the Kingdom of Istalia, the first Istalian entity whose name made reference to the Istalians and all their land.
At the end of the war the Emirate of Great Quanzar stretched over all the eastern Majatra, from the borders of Deltaria to the shores of the Sarrentina Peninsula. The occupation of the peninsula triggered the formation of unresting movements, as, among the others, intellectual manifestos like the works of Emanuele Terenzi, one of the most known authors of the 19th century. After the boycott of Quanzar monopolies (like tobacco), Istalian nationalists started to create secret societies like Istalia Libera and Resistenza Nicomese. The Quanzar Emirate tried to counter rising Istalian nationalism by giving the military the order to control the nation as a de-facto police force. Exiled refugees, principally in Solentia and Alaria, started to support the resistance with donations and external support. Famous is the creation of the Istalian Liberation Grant.
The Kingdom of Istalia
The Kingdom of Istalia despite the superpower on the shores of Sarrentia, in the 18th and 19th century experienced a growth in richness and prosperity, thanks to massive trade with Seleya, the rest of Majatra but also with the eastern lands and Artania. The kings continued to administrate properly the island and the burocracy was always very competitve, expressing efficient officers. In this period the kingdom continued its attempt to fight the Emirate and to kick out it from Istalia and then reunifing the istalian lands.
Among the most important kings there was Arturo Gabriele I, second king of Istalia, which for all its life until the end of 18th century, continued to fight against the invasors. It is also known to have baptized the Palace of Villareale, masterpiece of the istalian neoselucian baroque style and one of the larger palaces all over the world.
In 19th century the kingdom was rich and prosperous but also in Istalia began to spread sentiments against the assolutism of the monarchs which led to undermine the stability of the kingdom. The king Vittorio Alessandro II, to avoid the break out of a revolution, granted the creation of a Parliament, the so called Istalian Parliament on the Island, with the crucial power to determine the fate of the Government.
For the rest of the century the capitalism expanded on the Island and under the leadership of liberal statesmen the Kingdom experienced important social and economic evolutions.
Emirate of Quanzar
The mainland remained part of the Empire since its definitive fall in 1934 caused by the external interference of the Artanian colonial powers and by the uprising of the nationalisms in all the territories of the Empire.
The Quanzar Emir however flight in Istalia and moved here his court and the center of power of the Dynasty. This led to the foundation of the Emirate of Quanzar, name with which was officially rebaptized the peninsula, the name with which for the next five century was known the lands that in future would become Istalia.The Quanzars in Istalia, to attempt to supprime the nationalist movements, persued a politics of intense majatranization of the country but also engaged a war with the Kingdom of Istalia trying to conquer also the island, the last enemy of the Emirate.
The fall of the Kingdom of Istalia
In 20th century the Kingdom of Istalia was weakened by an internal struggle against the socialist movement which with even more force and support was claiming reforms, first of all an agrarian reform and the enlargement of the suffrage.
Strikes and workers uprising shacked the Nation and this led in 1921 to a first military golpe. However, the Kingdom was able to continue to defend itself from the Emirate: very important are two victorious large battle in 1923 which obliged the Emirate to sign the Treaty of Calliari with which it committed itself to respect the independency of the Kingdom.
Despite the Treaty, the Emirate profiting of the caos of a second military coup on the island in 1951, launched a large assoult. The war ended with the victory of the Emirate after 7 years of proudly resistance by part of a istalian forces: the Kingdom fell and was formerly taken by the emirate in 1959. Also if the island was defined as Quanzari Dominion of Estalia (majatran: قانزاري السياده من إستاليا, transl:qanzar alsiyaduh min 'iistalia), de facto it remained a far autonomous entity, where the ahmadi élite did not take part in the economical, social and cultural stage and the control was assured by a military occupation.
The collapse of the Emirate
Despite the conquest of Alaria and the begining of an unprecedent repressive policy against the istalians, into the emirate the situation tended to collapse in the following 50 years. Most of the Quanzars, finally integrated with Istalians, decided that the old Emirate should end, also because the civil liberties were very little, since the Sharia was bound as national law soonly after the ultimation of the Quanzari pacification campaign of Estalia.
Finally the Emirs were forced to recognize a constitution and the Emirate became almost a constitutional monarchy where however the monarch maintained a certain active role.
Despite the large concessions, the situation for the Emirs was degenerating while socialist and communist mouvements were increasing their power arriving to control the Parliament.
The end of the Emirate arrived during the Deltarian-Quanzari Conflict. After two years of tension with Deltaria in fact, many quanzari communist supporters and politicians, secretly supported by the communist Deltaria to weaken the Emirate, before the extreme radicalization of the anti-quanzari sentiment, began to accuse the Emir and its strict ahmadi law, accusing him also to have provoked the Deltarian supporting some extremist ahmadi foundamentalists in Deltaria and also in Al Badara. During this period of instability the istalians began to arise after the most repressive period (started after the conquest of Alaria) under the Emirate, joining the socialist and communist mouvements together with many other quanzaris.
After the failure of some negotiations the Emir was ready to disband the Neosocialist government which caused even more twnsion which quickly, for the fear of a golpe, the communist forces surges in the entire nation and finally, on 2110, a revolution starts against the Emirate.
In Alaria the ancient istalian dynasty, led by Eugene of Nacosia, great-great-grandson of Arthur Gabriel III, last King, profited of the turmouil to retake the power in Alaria, looking to extend the rule of the Kingdom also on the mainland, but the communist revolution spread also in the island and Eugene was forced after only one year to leave the island in exile in favor of Alduria.
After the fall of the Emirate, the former Royal House of the Emirs however was not treated poorly by the new government despite the communist ideals at the power: the last Emir and his family in fact were allowed to left peacefully the nation in favor of the Solentian southernmost region with most part of their possesions and assets where remained a respected and wealthy family centuries after they were dethroned starting however to develop interest in Solentia were throught the century they deplaced totally thier center of interest and continued their history.
The Union of Quanzari Soviets
Created on 2118 after a period of troubles, the Union of Quanzari Soviets was finally established by the majatran communist forces, resulted as the real winners among the different group arised during the revolution and which declared the socialist society as the best way to assure a convivence between the Istalian majority and the Quanzar minority, also if the quanzaris at the head of the central government were able to maintain a certain prominence for thei ethnicity. However the quanzairs worked also to lessen ethnic tensions: the overpower of the orthodox ahmadism and the creation of a complete atheist state was the idea about a possibility to forget the precedent history of oppression, political as well as religious, which have had an important role during the Emirate rule.
During this period the Deltarian-Quanzari Conflict continued with Quanzar which increased even more its international support due to the Quanzari genocide in Deltaria.
After the conclusion of the Cold War with Deltaria (indeed there was no more quanzaris to defend in Deltaria which also turned their foreign activity against Selucia), the Union of Soviets, in appeasing the convivence between the two communities, works and for about 100 years the nation continues to maintain its integrity. But the nationalized economy and the lack of civil liberties started to make citizens stressed and unhappy of the communist government, and again the divisions arose among the people. This is why the People's Assembly fall divided itself in different wings, but in the last years the more democratic forces taken the control of the country and began to change it in a more liberal state. It was in this times that the founders of the first democratic Republic, the Partito Social-liberista and Alleanza delle Libertà (also if this parties was at time not yet formally recognized), started to think about possible institutional changes.
The rise of Istalians
The compromise: the Quanzarian Republic
On July 26, 2233 the last People's Assembly of the Union of Quanzari Soviets, elected as constitutional assembly, solemnly proclaim the creation of the Quanzarian Republic (Repubblica Quanzariana). The name was chosen on Quanzariana because the old Nicomese Royal dynasty, this time led by Victor Augustus of Nacosia-Artois, after the collapse of the Union began to claim the Crown of Istalia organizing also an insurgence on the island in order to restore the old Kingdom, hoping to extend its sovereignty also on the mainland, leveraging on the pride of the inhabitant of the island, real cradle of Istalianity and accusing the Romula Government of betraying the Istalians by adopting too much compromises with the Quanzarian forces. Despite the large consensus, the island politicians proved weary of the possibility of a new separation from the mainland and so, with disappointment of Victor Augustus, they pushed to solve the dispute with a referendum in the island: the majority (67%) of citizens decided to become part of the Republic. Victor Augustus however, in spite of having accepted the result and dropping his claims, was very critical of the referendum and of the propaganda which for him focused the attention of the public opinion too much on the fear of a separation from the mainland, continuing to claim that monarchy was not the problem, and continued to seek supporters for the rest of his life, including on the mainland. After the referendum the Quanzarian Parliament transformed then Nicoma and Cisavugli into two semi-independent regions where the Nacosia House continued to live, becoming wealthy landowners and investing their fortunes in the Istalian industries. They didn't claimed anymore the Royalty also if until modern days any members of the family officially abdicated from the Istalian Throne, respecting the will of Arthur Gabriel III.
It is in this transitional period that those which would be became the first parties of the Istalian resurgence was founded: the Partito Social-liberista (formally recognized but active also on the Union), the Partito Borisista, the Partito Laico Riformista and the Partito Collettivista Internazionalista. On formerly ones, the most important were Alleanza per le Libertà (co-founder with the Social-Libertarists) and the Partito Libertario. The first Presidente della Repubblica was Marco Guadagnini (PSL).
The Istalian Republic
After 30 years of democratic government, the PSL decides to start a constitutional, historical change: formally recognize the Istalianity of the nation and change definitively its name to Repubblica Istaliana. Followed by all parties on the parliament, the constitutional law passed with unanimity . Then, on May 2 2263, the Presidente della Repubblica Carlo Aurelio Gianti proclaims the creation of the Repubblica Istaliana with this speech:
«Cari cittadini istaliani,è con immenso piacere che sono qui nel Parlamento, ora Parlamento Istaliano, per proclamare la nostra repubblica Repubblica Istaliana. Dopo secoli di divisioni la nostra patria è ora una, libera ed indivisibile. Il sogno antico dei nostri padri è ora realtà: gli istaliani sono liberi, con una nazione dove la democrazia è sacra ed intoccabile.Evviva la Repubblica! Viva l'Istalia!»
| (Luthori) |
«Dear Istalian citizens,it's with extreme pleasure that I'm here, in the Parliament, now the Istalian Parliament, to proclaim our republic, the Istalian Republic. After centuries of divisions our nation is now one, free and indivisible. The old dream of our fathers is now reality: Istalians are free and they have a country where democracy is sacred and untouchable. Long live the Republic! Long live Istalia!»
(Carlo Aurelio Gianti, Extract from the Speech for the Proclamation of the Istalian Republic)
The First Republic
From 2263 to 2684.
The Royal Union and the Holy Empire of Quanzar
In the middle of 27th century, Istalia find itself flowded by a great number of immigrant from Solentia who began to flight their country since the 24th century due to the Totalitarian regimes established in Solentia. Among them there was a related branch of the old Royal Family of the Emirate of Quanzar, which was known as House of Hessex. This solentian-majatran leadership began to partecipate to be active on the istalian political stage since the first years of 27th century and in 2680 this solentian movement began to make propaganda for the establishment of a new Quanzarian Monarchy in Istalia, nothing to do with the old Emirate, but a hosianist and luthorized regime. After that the House of Hessex founded the Order of the Golden Crown as its armed arm, in 2684 the new Dynasty, after a golpe profiting of a political decadence of the Istalian Institution, established the Royal Union of Quanzar, a monarchy which however after the name had nothing to do with the old Emirate: in fact, the House of Hessex was a convinced Aurorian family, like the House of Kansar which in Solentia, heavily influenced by the artanian traditions and culture, converted itself to the Hosianism. The new monarchy however, like the old Emirate, was aimed to suppress all the istalian features of the nation and for this reason it proceeded to a heavy solentization of the country, where Luthorian became official language (the luthorian was a diffused lingua franca in the eastern region of majatran due to the colonial subjugation of some majatran nation by artanian powers and in Solentia in the past centuries has became the official and most common language).
Liberation fortunately came in 2751 thanks to the istalian forces of the Social-Communist Refoundation S.I., White Flame - Istalian Nationalists, Istalian Borisist Party - S.I., Reformist Secular Party as well as Quanzar republican force, and after a transitional period finally was restored the Istalian Republic, the second.
Although the Hessexians, which second monarch, James the first, was even declared Holy Emperor, had been dethroned by pro-democratic forces in 2738, the nation's minority solentian population was still powerful and influent and the Istalians had made some compromises with them and for little more than a decaded the Holy Empire was ruled as a luthorian style republic. But finally in 2751 Istalians were able to fully retake control of the country.
This second istalian democratic regime saw the powerfull leftist coalition called Istalian Left, among the founders of the Second Republic, remaining one of the most important and influent political actors into the country for most of its history, reaching even to almost turn the country into a socialist state around the end of 28th century, but which was contrasted, however, by the other powerful founder party of the Republic, the nationalistic White Flame which later became the hegemonic party of the country.
The extreme socialization of the economy, however, it was deemed as excessive as well as the quite internationalist tendencies of the left, considered as a danger by istalians still rattled by foreign influences (the Hessexians, in fact, during their rule had been becked by many foreign nations which preferred a luthorianized country to an istalian one). For this reason at the end of 29th century Istalian Left coalition lost support in favor of rightist parties, mainly White Flame and National Renewal, which led the country adopting a mixed economy and an isolationist foreign policy.
During this period White Flame began to increase its influence on the country, becoming an instituzionalized hegemonic party which actually placed the istalian political life under its control. Since the beginning of 30th century until the fall of the Republic it was Fiamma Bianca to "pilot", for example, most of the presidential elections supporting the other highly instituzionalized Istalian Laburist Party's candidate, leaving to the Laburists the highest office, agreeing with them in maintaining a mixed economy, while retaining control of the government.This sort of political system, reduced to a partitocracy of two major parties, however, inevitably led to a progressive decadence of the political landscapes and institutions but, most important, was seen by the still consistent ethnic minorities as the institutionalization of the istalian supremacy on the country, an idea indeed vaguely supported by the nationalistic White Flame party.
In the first half of 31st century even the Laburists recognized the decadence of the institution and of the country but as they tried to really challenge the influence of White Flame, the nationalistic party spotted the Istalian Indipendent Movement as new institutionalized ally and in 3027 the first Indipendentist President was elected with the support of the nationalists.This political system established by White Flame lasted for other fourty years but finally in 3076 the Solentians and the Majatrans organized themself leading a coup against the weak, corrupted and old-growth istalian institutions. Once the Quanzari Restorationists party was reformed, Robert Moon was elected to contrast White Flame but seizing the power into the country he put an end to the Republic and established the "Serene Regency of Quanzar", with him as Regent, as transitional government waiting for the arrival of Oswald of Hessex who few years later was reinstalled on the throne of a refounded Kingdom of Quanzar, with the Quanzari Restorationists party as the only party authorized to control the government and starting a new period of repression and authoritarianism against the Istalians and their identity.
The Second Quanzari Restoration
In 3077 a new monarchical age took place under the obscure Kingdom of Quanzar, established by the Quanzari Restorationists and which was abolished in 3132 by the joint work of artanian allies and the istalian parties Fiamma Party and Avanti Istalia!, both among the best known and longest lasting parties of the Istalian history, the former the veritable hegemonic party of the Second and the next Third Republic, the latter, which existed, though not continuous, since 2293 until 3596, being active under all the four Republics and one of the greatest defensor of the istalian culture and indipendency from the foreign assoults.
After a transitional republic period under the final years of the Kingdom of Quanzar, in 3133 was finally founded the Third Republic which lasted however only until 3291.
The Third Republic, however, despite the Parliamentary system and a democratic set of law, was quickly hegemonized by the nationalistic party Fiamma Bianca which leader, Alessandra della Fiamma, became the supreme leader and master of the nation.
For almost twenty years the Republic was also reformed into an elective Monarchy.
The long lasting dominion of the country by part of Fiamma Bianca decreeted a progressive stagnation of the country under all the aspect and for this reason was so easy for the Quanzarian Restorationsists to establish again the Quanzarian Monarchy.
The Third Quanzari Restoration
The 3rd Monarchic Age of the modern history of Istalia took place with the Quanzari Restorationists who set up a new hessexian monarchy in 3291 by renaming the country Southern Majatran Union and Kingdom of Quanzar. During this period the Hessexian King of Quanzar claimed also his dynastic rights in Solentia as heir of the Solentia's Lion Throne due to the fact that King Oswald II was the son of Franklin Hessex of Quanzar and Maria Lyria of Solentia and that he married Veronica of House Trillion, daughter of deposed King Marius of Solentia. Their son, Hedrick, was the first veritable legitime heirs of both the crown. Under the Quanzari restorationists the nation alligned itself to the other monarchical powers of Terra. Notably the support offered by Quanzar to the deposed Imperial family of Luthori, deposed with the proclamation of the Commonwealth. The Hessex Dynasty furthermore was able to establish solid relations with several other monarchical nations, especially with the Theognosian one in the south of Seleya.
Internally, instead, this Quanzari Restoration was decisively more liberal and democratic compared with the previous one.
The Fourth Republic
The modern storiography traditionaly divide the Fourth Republic in two periods of about 500 years each, called Old Fourth Republic and New Fourth Republic, which watershed are the Battistian regime and the Istalian Civil War. The Old Fourth Republic goes from the foundation until 4046 while the New Fourth Republic goes from 4046 until 4546.
The Old Fourth Republic
The Fourth Republic was founded in 3364 by the Partito Repubblicano Istaliano, the Partito Socialista Democratico d'Istalia, Terra e Popolo, Area Laburista and Rifondazione Social-comunista, the political forces which kick out for the third time the Quanzarian rule from Istalia. Its first President was Enrico Bergson, one of the leaders of the CLNI, Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale Istaliano (Luthorian: Istalian National Liberation Committee), the umbrella parties organization which united the istalian parties against the Quanzars.
Since this period the istalian involvement in the international affairs was always very limited, this due to the two long foreign dominations which generate a certain xenophobia in the istalian people; however the authoritarian power of the past instilled in the istalians a genuine love for the democracy and the freedom and this allowed the existence for century of a stable and democratic republic regime which contributed the developement of a good social-economic system that offered good standard of life for the citizens also if the istalian economy compared with the rest of the world remained marginal.
The Partito Repubblicano, well known afterwards as Popolari per l'Istalia, remained during most part of the history of the fourth Republic one of the main party of the political stage which for the first centuries contended the leadership of Istalia with the reformed Partito Social-Liberista Istaliano, a founder member of the first Republic, and then with Area Laburista Istaliana.
During 3515, the ruling government coalition was formed by the Fronte Nazionale, MoVimento d'Avanguardia del Popolo, and Alternativa Popolare, making up roughly 60% of the legislature. This coalition replaced the previous government parties, Partito Social-Liberista Istaliano-Avanti Istalia!. The Fronte Nazionale was a far-right party, the Alternativa Popolare was moderate right, and the MoVimento d'Avanguardia del Popolo was a centrist party. The alliance was uneasy as Fronte Nazionale HOG Francesco Napolitano has competed against the HOS Stefano Dorotà in the election of 3515, 3518, and 3522 without success. The opposition was a center left coalition of Partito Social-Liberista Istaliano-Avanti Istalia!. Neither party has endorsed a candidate for HOS since 3501.
During the first years of 37th century the Istalian politics was shacked by the arising of the Ahmadi Freedom Party, a Majatran and softly Ahamdi party which became the voices against the oppression by part of the Istalians of the majatrans living in Istalia. This party knew some success but never represented a veritable risk for the nation since the party itself never promoted actions against the istalians or the Istalian Republic but indeed it joined the istalian political stage recognizing and respecting the existing Institutions and regime. This was one of the last majatran and ahmadi party which knew some success into the istalian politics.
Between 3600 and 4000 the Istalian politic was dominated again by the Popolari per l'Istalia, sometime in coalition with Nationalist parties, to which was offset by several leftist socialist parties as the Partito Social-Liberista Istaliano, the Partito Socialista Istaliano, the Area Laburista Istaliana, the Partito della Rivoluzione Democratica, the Partito Comunista Istaliano.
A notable event involving Istalia on the international stage was the election in 3881 of the first Istalian and non-Canrillaise Arch-Patriarch of the Theognosian Church, Benedetto V, nee Gregorio Augustani, who was also the last Arch-Patriarch of the Church before the reunification with the Selucian Patriarchal Church decided during the Second Council of Auroria. Benedetto V was one of the most important supporter of the reunification of the two Hosian denominations.
During the early century of this period thanks to the committment of the Populars, Istalia started to open itself to the world and above all the efforts have been dedicated to the integration of Istalian in the Majatran continent joining the Union of Majatra becoming also a great supporter of the Pan-Majatran Movement.
Depsite this committment, the istalians remained always very concentrated on their internal affairs and the strong competition into the international markets caused a little shock to the istalian economy, which became dominated by foreign companies against which the istalian economy had to struggle for the last century to emerge and begin an effective competition.
Despite this, in the 38th century a long period of stability and dedicated economic policies under the long precidencies of Matteo Renz Junior granted a good increase in the economy and the reprise of international relations, aimed by a Pan-Majatranism which led Istalia into the Majatran Union. After this period, however, nationalistic and dirigist policies introduced by leftist party bring back istalia in a period of slowly growth, situation worsed by new isolationsist tendencies.
In the 41th century appears the nationalist and authoritarian Partito Socialista Democratico soon leaded by Antonio Battisti which held the Government for most part of the first half of the century, also favored by the dissolution of the Popolari per l'Istalia and by the not excellent electoral performance of Alleanza del Centro Democratico. However, the dominion of the Battisti's party, became Partito della Rivoluzione Istaliana, will lead its Leader to establish a leftist and nationalistic dictatorship.
In the last democratic time of the Battistian government appeared the Partito Socioliberale Istaliano, later bacame Istalian Social Liberal Party, leaded by Alessandro Senna which during the dictatorship and the Civil War of 4044-4045 fought against Battisti until his fallen.
The New Fourth Republic
Many called the Post-Battistian Republic Fifth Republic but never was recognized institutionally due to the brief time at power of the Battisti's dictature, which is consider only as a dark brief parenthesis in the history of the Fourth Republic. After the restoration of democracy the second half of forty-first century saw the return of the Popolari per l'Istalia and Futuro & Libertà which together and with the support of the PSLI introduced a Presidential Government.
During the first years of the so called third Republic, especially thanks to the government periods of the Social-Liberal Party, Istalia changed radically its way to participate on the international stage started to establish several international treaty while the favorable economic policy allowed the istalian companies to expand in other markets profiting of the decreasing of the presence and the power of older well know multinational (for example the Zardic Kostandian Bay which left Istalia and internationally was reached in power and popularity by the istalian Leonardi Industrial Group).
It were established strong relations with Solentia during the last decades of the 41st century, relations which led to the establishment of the ISDA, the Istalia-Solentian Defensive Alliance, which was a cornerstone for the growth of the Istalian military power, thanks to reduction in general expense before the bilateral cooperation, which allowed the maintaining of high standard and othr investment to improve the military capabilities of the nation.
Internally during this period, after the dissolution of Futuro & Libertà, the PPI passed to the opposition of the government coalition formed by the Partito Social Liberale Istaliano with Lavoro, Democrazia, Ecologia, at first leaded by the President Alessandro Senna, then by its successors almost until the end of the century allowed the introduction of the strong welfare which caraterized almost all the following 150 years.
The ineffective two victories of the right in the 80s, due to a large fragmentation of the political spectrum, showed the limit of the Presidential system and this led to a return to the parliamentary system in 4096 at the initiative of the Social Liberal's President Marcantonio Borgiese, with the support of all the other parties except the Populars.
The Istalian Politics in this period sees the emergence of new parties as Democrazia Istaliana and the Partito Liberale Istaliano, which formed with the Populars the alliance Union of Liberals, and several short-lived leftist party.
Given the increase of the support for the liberal economic policies, which showed already their effect in the first years of the third republic, the two historical parties of the recent history of Istalia, PPI and PSLI, started a convergence on the economic policies which leads to an alliance between PSLI and the Union of Liberals. The free trade and capitalistic policies of this period leads to an economic growth and to a new international policy which sees at the beginning of the forty-second century Istalia become an economical power and an influential nation on the international stage.
All the Istalian parties in this period finally were aware of the Istalian possibilities on the international stage and thanks to a very concerted foreign policies between different governments, also expression of opposite sides, Istalia gained its run to the first election for the Security Council showed itself as a champions of the Democracy and Protector of Human Rights. As s prominent member of the most important international organization, Istalia progressively became an even more influential nation in the international stage, also thanks to the growing of its economy and the definitive development of the Armed Forces which in these years made Istalia one of the great military power of Terra.
As one of the leading nation of the world, not only the friends but also the enemies multiplied and among them the most hardened became Saridan, Beiteynu and Vanuku. Istalia in fact, championing the protection of human rights and the spread of democratic and tollerant principles, became one of the most stronger opponent of the Saridanese Theocratic Regime which contributed to make fall leading an international campaign to establish sanctions and embargoes, which caused an economic collapse in the Theocratic regime. However, Saridanese segregational forces continued to maintain the control of the nation which continued to remain one of the most important opponents of Istalia In this period the establishment of the Social Republic in Solentia and its undemocratic policies caused the end of the ISDA so this pushed Istalia to find new close partner and expand even more its interests over the borders of Majatra.
Internally another political crisis led to a new constitutional reform and thus in 4134 was held the first election with the semi-presidential system proposed by PSLI and strongly supported by the Populars which have always advanced the idea of a strong President and of an electoral law providing for coalitions (in the past the Populars had already proposed and also introduced semi-presidential government systems). The reform was also widely supported by the Democrazia Istaliana, by the newly neo-battistian Partito della Socialdemocrazia Istaliana, by the Partito Socialista Democratico d'Istalia, former known as Lavoro, Democrazia, Ecologia (these last two formed with the PSLI the coalition Union of Center-Left in 4130) and the Partito del Patriota d'Istalia.
The second half of the 42nd saw the definitive affirmation of Istalia on the international stage and thanks to the increase of a strong capitalistic economy the istalian companies and investment grew and spread all over the world. In the middle of the century Istalia established a strong relationships and then an alliance with the emergent seleyan nation of Baltusia where the Istalia established its first base abroad. The second half of the century began with a first period dominated by the center-right Union of Liberals but than, since the 60s the istalian policies were led by the center-left Alliance of Progressives for Istalia, formed by the historically allies PSLI and Partito Socialista Democratico, with the partecipation of Verdi Istaliani - Partito Ambientalista Istaliano and Movimento Federale Istaliano. Federalization and great social democratic welfare were the main policies improved and the latter together with the even bigger istalian economy granted high standard of life to the istalians. In the 60s began to growth the relations with the Holy Luthori Empire with which was created the Organization for the Collective Security and Cooperation (OCSC), at the moment of its creation and for several decades until the middle of 43rd century considered the most powerful military alliance of Terra.
Meanwhile istalian companies profited in this half of century of the anarchy in Wantuni to establish and extended and rooted rule on the Mossavi region of Wantuni and they established a quasi-government control on the area.
In 70s Istalia suffred an economic slowdown caused by a political crisis in Baltusia which attempt to nationalize many Istalian assets, but thanks to a government intervention, which made also successful pressure on Baltusia, the crisis passed and in some years the situation returned to the pre-crisis standard. The last two decades however the Republic faced the most difficult period of its recent life, being targetted by a wantunian terrorist group, the Worker's Revolutionary Front for the Liberation of Wantuni.
The PSLI's President Lorenzo Verhoeven led the nation through this storm came to defeat the terrorist group and defend the nation, which established a Protectorate on the kalopian region of Mossavi to defend its interest and to respond to the request of security and stability by the local communities during the worst years of the wantunain anarchy.
Istalia as Great Power in 43rd century
Istalia since the end of the 42nd century definitively asserted itself as one of the major power of Terra and so as one of the most influential nation of the world. The Istalian Republic in fact managed to maintain continuously its role as prominent member of the World Congress, costantly elected as a member of its Security Council since its foundation at the begin of 42nd century. Internally the first half of the century was dominated by a reformed PSLI, became Liberty and Progress, which expressed two of the most important president of the period: Filippo Marra and Lavinia Maggi. In this period, however, the OCSC, that with the adherence of the world's biggest democratic powers, among them Kazulia, had become the most powerful military alliance of the world, experienced the defection of Luthori, which turned in Republic and reduced its international activities, and a serious diplomatic crisis between Istalia and Kazulia in the middle of 43rd century, reduced the influence and role of the OCSC, which today gathers Istalia and its closer all allies.
Cold War with the Socialist Super-State
The Majatran Revolutionary Socialist Federation, however, at the beginning of the century became the most relevant internationaland continental adversary of Istalia which forced the country to focus on the Majatran theater where the situation was complicated also by the strongly anti-Istalian foreign policy continued by Vanaku and Beiteynu, the latter became probably the most reductable enemy of Romula. For this reason, to contrast dictatorial regimes which still again were emerging in Majatra and defend the interests of the free nations of Majatra, Istalia, as international power and regional leader, leading by President Filippo Marra, pushed for the foundation of a new supranational organization among the free and democratic nations of Majatra begining to stregthen the relations with one of the other most powerful and advanced nations of the continent, Zardugal, with which was established an Alliance and Common Economic Area to integrate the respective economies and markets and to become the larger and most dynamic economic area of the world. The project then was enlarged and in 4222 Istalia began to promote the Majatran Alliance, modelled on the alliance with Zardugal but aimed to unite the other democratic nations of Majatra, first of all to contrast the MRSF but also the hegemonic aspirantion of Vanuku which never conceiled its committment to contrast the other majatran powers, first of all Istalia.
During this period, the prolonged political, ideological and strategic opposition between Istalia, leader of the Majatran Alliance, and the MRSF led to the increase of a more militarist and interventist foreign policy for the country, strong of its massive military power and of its international position. However, this was also the cause of one of the most controversed event of the century for Istalia: Davide Tajani, President of the Republic in the 30's, facing the adoption of the slavery and slave trade in Vorona, menaced the dovanian island of an Air Naval blockade. The international reaction against what was considered as an international gendarmerie-like conduct, was massive, with Istalia heavily blamed.
F The crisis was a serious blow for Istalia, with also its leadership inside the World Congress touched. Internally this caused the fall of Tajani which was replaced as leader and Presidential candidate of Liberty and Progress by Lavinia Maggi.
Maggi's Doctrine and the Badaran Civil War
With the progressive decadence of the MRSF in the second half of the century, instead, Istalia adopted the so called Maggi's Doctrine, introduced by Lavinia Maggi, elected at the Presidency for three terms, based on a series of bilateral agreement with members and ex members of the MRSF, to promote a general detente and a general efforts for the peace and the prosperity for Majatra, aimed also, however, to contrast the imperialistic attempt of Beiteynu, with which Istalia was close to unleash a war during the Badaran Civil War which saw Istalia supporting the communist but legitime and democratically chosen Government while Beiteynu supported the anti-Government Coalition, declared internationally as a terrorist organization. During this crisis, the Istalian diplomacy and its role as member of the World Congress Security Council, was able to avoid further foreign invasions in Badara, also with great sufferences, given that during a first attempt to negotiate the peace, President Maggi and the President of the Council Fatima el-Nusri (i Verdi!) were wounded by a terroristic attack led by the Coalition, something which however gave even more resolutness to the two women at the head of the Nation
With even more nations withdrawing from the MRSF, the Majatran Alliance expanded with the joining of several State (among them Pontesi, Eastern Kalopia, Deltaria) and the founder member began to push for the establishment of even more common programs and colaborations, also to fight the cronic instability of the continent where Istalia, thanks to the Maggi's Doctrine, managed to establish solid, friendly and cordial relations with most part of the continent, increasing its possibility to contrast Beiteynu and Vanuku.
The Thallers in Majatra
But a new menace for Majatra rose up in the 60's, the arrival of several members of the Thaller Family in Majatra, some with large numbers of foreign fighters and mercenaries in support, the so called Thallerist invasion, aimed to exploit the caos and the political weakness of several post-MRSF nations where to seize the power, generating even more caos, especially in Kalopia-Wantuni, where Istalia was working for a reunification of Western Kalopia and Eastern Kalopia, the latter became Federal Republic of Kalopia-Wantuni in 4223 after a popular referendum which rejected the unification with the western socialist Kalopia and united the foreign protectorates into the new democratic nation.
The Thallerist conquest of the power in Western Kalopia made fail the unification attempts and instead ignited a rebel uprising in Al-Najd which became a no-man's-land controlled by foreign mercenaries, rebels and terrorist groups from all over the world and by an ephemeral Majatran Republic.
During this period, Istalia, itself plagued by the foundation of a Thallerist Party, showed a great internal unity and stability and the political forces, led by the President Gianluigi Rosso, at the power for 4 terms and 14 years totally, liberal exponent of the far-right party Alternativa Istaliana commended several time by all the political forces due the surprising dignity and sense of honor and of the duty showed by an exponent of a nationalistic party, the living example of how the democratic values of Istalia are rooted into the Istalian society. Rosso furthermore increased with his several voyages the istalian relations with several country and was central in developing peacefull relations with the several fighting parties of the conflicts which ravaged Majatra at the time.
Internally, after the fall of the bipolar politics under the Verhoeven's Presidencies and the dissolution of several historical parties, the Istalian political stage was dominated for the first part of 43rd century by an institutionalized Liberty and Progress party which led the istalian politics as moderate centrist party governing with the support of right-wing parties, among them the Capitalist Confederation and the Republican Party], opposing more center-leftist policies of party like the New Social Democracy, the Verdi Istaliani - Partito Ambientalista Istaliano and Party of the Istalian Democrats.
Filippo Marra was sure the most important political personality of the period, which rose up to the public fame as the expert economist chosen as Minister of Finance to face the Global Financial Crisis blown up in 4203 which was his most important internal committment also under his four terms as President of the Republic. The Istalian economy not only managed to face the Crisis but it emerged also stronger then before. If to face the Crisis Marra adopted clear Kodonomic solutions (large national projects and works), in general he carried out for the Nation large reforms applying liberal economic policies (single-payer healthcare system supported by the State but managed by the private business, the liberalization of the pension system which left to the citizens to decide if benefit of a public or private pensions, and finally the liberalization and privatization of most part of the economic sector, excluded education and social welfare). During this period, as evidence of the soundness of the Marra's policies, Istalians' revenue (and pro-capita GDP) incresed even more placing them among the highest ones of Terra.
In the new century Istalian furthermore experienced a sort of cultural stabilization with the vast majority of Istalians who reached a consensus on the large political and civil liberties recognized to the citizens with only extremist forces promoting more restrictive approachs, a further signs of the stability and prosperity of the Nation as well as of its People. A signs of the clear entrenchment of these values into the istalian culture was the political approach of the far-right and nationalistic party Alternativa Istaliana, which despite its nature, always respected the democratic principles of Istalia, condamning also internal exponents which used violent means and becoming one of the most important opponents of undemocratic and terroristic movementscondamning together with a whole new generation of parties like the Radical Front or I Verdi!, new protagonist of the istalian politics alongside LP, in the second half of the 43rd century the oldest still active party in Istalia which continued to cover its role of institutional party of the Nation.
The second half of the 43rd century
Despite the defeat of the Thallerist threat in Istalia, Thallerist monarchies progressively were established in the second half of the century in several other majatran nations, notably in Barmenistan and in Deltaria. However, Istalia managed to establish good relations with the deltarian Thallers, due to the moderation of this thaller's branch which showed aimed to establish a stable and democratic democracy in Deltaria which, joining the Majatran Alliance, became one of the most close allies of Istalia. Just about the Majatran Alliance, the fact that the political forces showed to agree on the overall foreign policy, Istalia was able to gather into the organization even more nations and increase the cooperation with them, paving the path for a stable and long lasting continental peace disturbed just by few events. Furthermore, the contrasts with Beiteynu, well known suprematist and racial regime since centuries and with which Istalia was close to the war during the Badaran Civil War, began to decrease due to the difficulties of the beiteynese regime, even more isolated and with internal trouble.
However, Istalia in these times, more or less since end of the 70's, after the defeat of the anti-istalian coalition led by Rildanor, turned its attention to the even worse situation in the Imperial Crownlands of Hulstria where a suprematist dundorfian dictatorial regime adopted harsh anti Gao-Showan policies promptly denounced by Istalia.
But during this period another events challenged the Istalian Government: the arise of the Padagnan National Party, the padagnan branch of Istalian Alternative, became few years before the National Party of Istalia, which organized in its electoral stronghold an illegal referendum to ask the independency from Romula. To lead the indipendentists arose the young Luciana Vespa who in the aftermath of the referendum, which the PNP failed to gain, doesn't recognizing a defeat, proceeded with the seizure of the Palace of the Regional Council, indeed more a symbolic gesture than a real uprising. This unleashed a political crisis which divided the political forces of Istalia. Liberty and Progress arose as the most opponent to the secessionist movement while Radical Front showed a more conciliatory stance. However, Radical Front and its President Ali Abdul Aham showed to be disponible to leave space to the separatists and indeed promoted a new legal referendum for the independence. This plan was however stopped by a coalition of anti-secessionist parties, among them LP and Capitalist Confederation, which managed to install at the Presidency a figure determined to contrast any independentist proposal: Betta Maddaloni. She was a President which marked the history of the end of the century: she was able to find an agreement with the secessionists on just an authonomy referendum, which was however rejected; she showed a solid leadership during the brief Jelbanian-Deltarian War sending the Navy in support of Deltaria stopping any other nations, first of all the long lasting Vanukuean enemy, from intervening into the conflict which Deltaria easily gained; finally, her diplomatic voyages around the world not only promoted a more solid Majatran Alliance but also several new important bilateral agreement for Istalia, like the one with Badara and Aldegar.
The Wolfsheim Plague
In the meantime, Istalia promoted several measures at the international stage against Hulstria and its suprematist regime, joining the even larger coalition of nations ready to attack the dovanian nation which in that years managed to occupy Ostland thanks to the cooperation of a suprematist military junta, estending the anti Gao-Showan policies also in the neighboring country. The international coalition was on the point to launch a large military operations against Hulstria but just few years before the end of the century from Dovani a plague caused by a resistant bacteria, the so called Wolfsheim Plague, began to spread all around the world reaching also Istalia.
Istalia was among the western nation which suffered more for the Plague, with more than 100 thousand death and more than half million of infected. The situation in Istalia became so critical that the Government led by the President Alessandro Eugenio di Nacosia-Rohan was forced to isolate the nation and inside stopping the travel of people and goods between regions and cities. The emergency plan put in place, despite it was considered from some too extreme, actually has been considered as the key for Istalia to face the crisis and contain the already serious conseguences of the disease.
This caused obviously a serious social and economic crisis from which Istalia was able to recover only after a decade. The Plague crisis, furthermore, pushed the anti-Hulstrian international coalition to postpone any operations while Hulstria tried to gain a best position, due to the fact that its scientists were the first to study the bacteria, offering important scientific aid to the rest of the world.
The Hulstrian War
Despite the serious situation, the international efforts to contrast the Plague, with most part of the nations committed in contrasting the disease, finally discovered a solution which allowed the world to fight and then defeat the terrible pandemic. Hulstria, in the meantime, was found guilty of genocide against the Gao-Showan, revelations which unleashed the international reaction. In the meantime, rebel groups open what is known as Hulstrian Civil War of 4304.
A great coalition with the mandate of the World Congress then attacked Hulstria from the sea and from Kazulia and Ostland from the south with the objective to rid the occupied nation, support the rebels and destroy the suprematist regime led by the dictator Leopold Nimitz. The war was long but the coalition finally achieved to defeat the suprematists and to install a fully democratic government.
The 44th century
The Temrkai-Votta doctrine
After the end of the Dovanian crisis and during the social and economic recovering, the new century saw the political landscape of Istalia once again populated by veritable leftist party while Liberty and Progress began its moving to the left after a century of liberal policies. However, the first years of the century saw also a strong cooperation between LP and the National Party, led by the pragmatic Demetrio Votta, which promoted a new foreign initiative: the end of the hostilities with Vanuku. Votta in person led the negotiation with the Vanukuean Government which agreed with the Istalian one on the fact that Istalia and Vanuku, leaving behind the centuries of contrasts and starting to cooperate instead then fight, would be able to promote a more stable Majatra and to make grow their economies. This new doctrine, called the Temrkai-Votta doctrine, from the name of the President of Istalia and the King of Vanuku, was a veritable revolution for the entire continent on which the first word became Majatra for the Majatrans, a position of both the majatran greath powers aimed to limit the interference in Majatra from foreign nations. With this common committment, both Istalia and Vanuku strengthen their role in Majatra, decreased the continental tensions and promoted a period of stable peace.
The success of the Majatran Alliance
The 44th century was decisively one of the longest lasting period of peace and prosperity for Majatra and saw the triumph of the Majatran Alliance, which arrived to include the majority of the nations of Majatra, led by Istalia and Vanuku, closely coordinated among them to graant the stability into the continent.
For Istalia this was probably the achievement of centuries of committment and efforts and cemented the role of th country as great power.
However, focusing its foreign policy on the Majatran Alliance, Istalia assumed a role more defilated into the global geopolitics reducing also its activity into the World Congress, despite it gained a permanent seat into the reformed World Congress Security Council as global superpower.
Thanks to the increasing majatran economic coordination and integration, the istalian economy experienced a huge expansion penetrating even deeper into all the continental markets.
Several expertises at the time said that what prompted the at the time governments to commit themselves to bring Vanuku within the Alliance was not only the desire to definitively close the circle of the process of rapprochement with Wiel, but also and above all a necessity linked to economic, financial and internal politics: since the middle of the previous century, in fact, the anti-MA sentiments between the public opinion had increased decade after decade and the main motivation advocated by the anti Alliancists was precisely the excessive commitment of Istalia into the organization, especially from a financial point of view. Istalia has always been the member that most of all contributed to the Alliance's budget and with the introduction of several common programs, over the years the burden on Istalia growed more and more and according to the most critical politicians and opinionists at the time, most of the other member nations would have only taken advantage of this Istalian committment, being branded by the most extremes even as underdeveloped parasitic nations that drained away vital resources from Istalia.
The 45th century represented a century of challenges and great trouble for Istalia, prompted mainly by the crisis the Majatran Alliance will experience in this century. The crisis for the Alliance blowed up when it proved to be impotent in solving the crisis between Deltaria and Vanuku, both members of the Alliance, engulfed in the Jelbék Civil war (4408-4424), aiming both to estend their control on the unstable central majatran nation. When Vanuku launched its nuclear attack against the Deltarian forces in Jelbania, Istalia found itself really isolated, forced to condamn the Vanuku's actions but which tried to maintain good relations with.
Many other majatran nations perceived the weakness of the Alliance and, sick of the Vanuku-Istalian "dictate" and unsatisfied by the proposed reform of the Alliance presented by Istalia, leading by Cildania they founed a new majatran organization, the Majatran Union of Nations. Istalia agreed with Cildania to enter in the MUN but remaining into the Alliance, hoping to be able to integrate the two organization: Istalia, wanted extend its influence also within the new Union, but being more than an Alliance and closer to a supernational government, the influence of single nations were not so determining toward the elective Grand Assembly and President of the MUN. The Black Thursday, however, perceived as caused by the troubling Alliance and the decreased role of Istalia into the MUN, pushed many to regret to be entered into the MUN: the Governments in the middle of the century decided to leave the MUN, also because a socialist coup happened in Deltaria establishing a new socialist regime which was accused by Istalia to want to reduce the MUN.
Promoting once again a reformed Majatran Alliance, Istalia tried to assert its influence partecipating in the war in defence of Cobura from the aggresion by part of the Zardic Augustine Empire and also entering into the delicate Jelbanian situation supporting the coastal cities of the Free Democratic Republic and opposing Deltaria and its puppet state of the Southern Jelbanian Khanate.
The terroristic wave which interested Istalia in the second half of the century, however, diminished once again the Istalian attention to the international affairs and despite the political forces was able to contrast it, domestically as well as abroad, a new crisis focused all the attention of the country: the far-rightist Solentia was, in fact, evolving in a veritable fascist regime which caused the breack of the relations with Istalia which, however, was forced to contrast a large migration crisis from Solentia due to the even more repressive regime.
The general political decline of the country of the end of the century, the lack of skilled politicians and governments interested in the foreign affairs, then another economic crisis due to the loss of ground on international markets at the beginning of the 46th, finally, drastically decreased the influence of the country, formally degraded by most part of the ranking agencies and institutions already in the 80's of 45th century, which didn't represented any more a global but only a regional international actor which effectiveness, however, was very limited due to the great internal crisis which affected also the large military expenses of the country.
The final years of the Fourth Republic
The first half of 46th century was a period of great difficulties for Istalia, which experienced another decline after the reprisal of the end of 45th century due to a general political decadence, economic contraction and decrease of the presence on the international market, social unrest due to the spreading of Metzist ideologies, in a period which saw the establishment in Majatra of socialist regimes, like Deltaria and Jakania which joined the social nationalistic Barmenistan.
The first decade of the 46th century Istalia saw the leftists from the Democratic Front gaining three presidential elections but the center-rightist majority controlling the Parlament. The austerity politics adopted by the center-rightist governments to contrast the economic decline, united to several hazardous deregulations, pushed many istalians to go closer to leftist ideologies and in fact, the following two decades saw only socialist governments. These governments they undertook several large socialist-inspired reforms and didn't dislike to approach new partners in Majatra. Around the end of the 30's there are open debate about the establishment of a veritable socialist republic: this pushed many within the Armed Forces to begin to plot against the Institutions even more controlled by the socialists. To reinforce their lines, the anti-socialist putschists brought in a large number of mercenaries: the golpe would have been persued just after the elections of 4546.
However, the putschists didn't was aware that they were Thallerist mercenaries and in fact Julius von Thaller anticipated the putschists' leaders leading an uprising before the elections using also istalian soldiers who believed to receive orders by their superiors.
The Thallerist Revolution
Julius Thaller was able to took the control of the Capital and many other centers, immediatly starting what he called the Thallerist Revolution. Julius von Thaller declared himself President of the Revolution and created his prime minister, the Secretary of the Thallerist Revolution, to whom enthrusted the task to arrest all the political dissents and to crush the oppositions. Immediatly many "voluntary" forces from thallerist or friend regime were invited in Istalia began a period of terror.
The Armed Forces suffered a lot from the aborted coup, divided due to clashes between loyalist and putchists, the emergence of a socialist wing and obviously the aggression by part of the mercenary forces.
But not all had gone to waste: a clandestin resistence started to organize and to contrast the Thellers, led by persecuted politicians among which arose Giulio Appiano De Borromei, a local romulan politicians, whose son, Michele Appiano De Borromei, started instead to gather once again together the Armed Forces. Giulio Appiano De Borromei, however, was captured and executed by the Thallerist force, but his efforts was not futile: Julius von Thaller pursuing the uprising were able to count on the surprise effect and to use many men of the Army deceived if not even confused by the aborted coup organized by their superiors, but at that point, even with further forces, he was not able to contrast the entire Nation. After two years of clashes the Istalian forces finally deafeated the Thallers in 4548 but Julius von Thaller fled desappearing.
A provisional administration was established just to organize new elections which were contested, however, by few parties in an Istalian still under shock and the big-tent Liberal Party thus get sufficent preferences to seize the parliament in 4551. The provisional government established, however, was plagued by contrast between the members, focused more on accusing each other for what was happened in the Country. It this climate, Michele Appiano De Borromei, catapulted to the national glory as son of Giulio Appiano De Borromei and considered as the one who reunited the Armed Forces, decided to found a new political movement Glory and Rebirth, taking personal the field to pull the country from such a abyss.
The Fifth Republic
Despite the Parliament was totally in the hand of the Liberal Party, Appiano De Borromei gained quickly an unexpected as much as strong pupular support of such magnitude that many deputies started to declares their support for the proposal of the new istalian rising leader. In 4554 President Caiola appointed Admiral Filippo Sartori, former Chief of Defence Staff and right-hand of Michele Appiano De Borromei, as Head of a government formed by Liberals and extra-parliamentary members of Glory and Rebirth, among which also Alessandro Appiano De Borromei, nephew of Michele, as representative of the young officers of the Armed Forces, being Alessandro a captain of the Air Force.
The new Government with resolutness reorganized the State into a Presidential Republic founding the Fifth Istalian Republic.
The first elections of the new republic, in 4551, were won thriumphantly by Michele Appiano De Borromei while his party seized the control of the Parliament. The new leader years after years increased his appreciation between the People, conquested by his charisma as well as thanks to the important and vigorous reforms as never seen for decades. Furthermore, he fascinated the population with his vision of the future for Istalia, a vision of glory and prosperity, a vision of renaissance, a vision of a democratic state that will never will allow to fall under who wants exploits the democratic freedoms for his interests and against the democracy itself, he fascinated the Istalians with his idea of Militant Democracy.
The enforcement of several laws inspired by the defensive democracy philosophy, allowed the Government to crack down many extremist movements and also some terroristic organizations, among which a far-rightist group which attempted a series of attacks.
But not only the national security concerned the first years of the Fifth Republic, but also a new increase in the social unrest caused by the decisively liberals politics against which the trade unions organized large demonstrations and strikes became frequent.
The liberal-leading government was willing to not give concessions, also due to the pression by many within the Armed Forces who were decised to canceed any space to socialistic ideas or compromises. However, they were took by surprise by Michele Appiano De Borromei when through an official speech expressed his comprension for the workers' issue and promoted a more cooperative way to go towards demands which he considered as fully legitimate by part of honest workers. For this reason he promoted several laws in favor of workers and trade unions, but this put in alarm several high ranks of the Armed Force
August 21th 4558, a coup d'état was attempted by some officers of the Armed Forces supported by Liberal exponents of the Government and more than 40 members of the at the time 125-member National Congress. Furtunately the attempt didn't survive to the night and the putchists were defeated by the loyal Forces and also by the partecipation on many civilians. Michele Appiano De Borromei, however, immediatly was forced to face a new menace, the rising fascist movement of the Nationalist Workers Party which, despite the laws against anti-democratic parties, was able to organized many apparent indipendent civic lists in reality linked to the leadership of the party. The NWP focused his electoral campaign towards all those movements opposed to Appiano De Borromei, but the NWP was also able to manipulate the informations and to spread disinformation and false news.
Filippo Sartori, former Head of Government, who was ready to contest the elections leading his new party Guard of Democracy, decided to counteract the fascists convincing all the other parties accepted by the National Electoral Committee to reunite themself in a common national list, the Coalition for the Democratic Cooperation and it was a success: the Coalition defeated the lists led by the fascists and Michele Appiano De Borromei was re-elected. The Head of State was the real commander of this Government, made approve important increase of the funds for research and education, underligning the important of such matter for a develped society full of opportunities, promoting also an international research project on fusion energy.
Within the majority, instead, the liberals profited of the large victory by part of Guard of Democracy to make pass a national welfare reform which however was contrasted by the Social Democrats who threatened the Government to left and gaining several concessions approved in the following years.
It was the truly apotheosis of Michele Appiano De Borromei, saw as a savior by an Istalia frightened by so many events, upheaval and menaces but also fully of hopes for the future depicted by Appiano De Borromei.
The fascist in less then two years lost most part of their previous support and finally was the Constitutional Court to definitively disband the party, leaving the Coalition as sole organized political force of the country. The parties who decided to join the Coalition to contrast the NWP contested the elections of 4567 in separate lists but as parented lists of the Coalition, agreeding in continue to form national unitary government and support the Head of the State, but enthrusting the people to determinate the influence of each party, and under the Coalition at the time there were both the New Liberals and the Social Democratics.
The new term saw Michele Appiano De Borromei more active internationally, visiting Ladomun, with which he agreed an industrial partnership and other friend nations to strengthen the relations of Istalia, but he also supported with force a new modernization program of the Armed Forces, aimed to complete and expand the last great modernization program started at the end of the previous century which was not fully accomplished due to the economic crisis and the general decadence.
The Istalian Empire
In 4569, despite the next elections were sceduled only for 4573, many started to feel somehow uncormfortable with the idea to see Michele Appiano De Borromei retiring from the politics, the one who, like no one in centuries, had succeeded in inflaming the hearts of the Istalians and creating such hopes and expectations, reinforced by the great performances of the nation which was raising its slope with exceptional rapidity, had entered the heart of the population, also thanks to the initiatives of the Guard of Democracy which lavished its energy on the exaltation of the Head of the State and his figure. Damiano Valenti, right-hand of Sartori and leader of Guard of Democracy, which was seizing the control of the Coalition, decided the next year to propose something of totally radical to honor Michele Appiano De Borromei and to reassure the population that its savior, who was reviving the fortunes of the country with such brilliance, would remain a timeless figure always keeping watch over the country's destiny, he proposed the most radical democratically implemented constitutional reform ever seen since the beginning of the country's democratic history. In fact, he proposed, using the words of Valenti himself, to enthrust the perpetual guide of the Res Publica to an Emperor, which Imperial Dignity was vested in Michele Appiano De Borromei. At the beginning of 4571 a specialized committee formed by the Congress on initiative of the Government began to develop the reform which was presented in July and finally approved by the National Congress as the Imperial Constitution. The reform was then submitted to a national referendum the last day of August which saw the population confirming the reform with a positive plebiscitarian response for the new Emperor of the Istalians: 1th September 4571 the Fifth republic was officially superseded by the first Istalian Empire. After 4862 the powers of the Emperor were held by a Representative of the Emperor, and in 4892 Istalia officially became a Semipresidential Republic, marking the end of the imperial era.
Quanzar and Alaria
The republic proved to be a chaotic regime and incapable of stemming the rise of various far-right parties. When the government collapsed at the end of 5003, a military coup was organized and Istalia was brought under a military dictatorship led by Generalissimo Tommaso Tivoli. Democratic opposition to the military dictatorship was led by separatist movements, and in 5032, seeking to avoid a bloody civil war, the military junta resigned. The democratic opposition proceeded to reform the nation and declared the independence of Quanzar and Alaria, which later, in 5034, formed the Union of Quanzar and Alaria.